in the prime object of her ambition; but he seems also to have been influenced by a desire to render secure her title to the English succession, and to have hoped that such arrangements would be made as would safeguard the interests of protestantism in Scotland. From London he passed into France, arriving at the French court on 11 April (Middlemore, 14 April, Cal. State Papers, For. Ser., 1563, entry 617). In accordance with his original instructions (Labanoff, i. 164), he on l7 April offered to act as mediator between England and France (Cal State Papers, For. Ser., 1562, entry 636), but there is no reason to suppose that either he or Mary desired to assist Elizabeth. While ostensibly his mission was to guard the interests of Mary in France, its main object was to secure the support of the Cardinal of Lorraine to the marriage with Don Carlos. He arrived in Edinburgh on his return from his mission on 23 June (Randolph, 26 June, ib. entry 938), and spent three days in close conference with the queen. Towards the close of the year the hope of the success of the Spanish suit had almost vanished, but Maitland's services in connection with it were recognised by the gift of the abbacy of Haddington (Randolph, 3 Dec. ib. entry 1481).
Maitland was no more favourable than Mary to Elizabeth's suggestion that Robert Dudley, earl of Leicester, should marry the Scottish queen. The likelihood is that he doubted Elizabeth's sincerity in making it, but all that he continued to urge was that before the marriage Mary must be formally recognised as heir-apparent. In this he was so persistent that Elizabeth complained to Melville that he 'did ring always her knell, talking of nothing but her succession' (16 Dec. 1564, ib. 1564-5, entry 866). Elizabeth's inability to come to a definite agreement became manifest at the Berwick conference in November 1564, and Maitland now gave his support to Darnley's suit for Mary's hand. As early as 24 Oct. Randolph reported that Lennox was 'well friended of Lethington, who is now thought will bear much with the Stewarts from the love he bears to Mary Fleming' (24 Oct. ib. entry 767). Henceforth his relations to Mary Fleming must be taken into account in judging his political conduct, not only as regards this but all other matters. It bound him more closely to the fortunes of the Queen of Scots. At the same time he had a sufficient political reason for supporting the Darnley marriage in the fact that it immeasurably strengthened Mary's claims on the English succession. In April Maitland was sent to inform Elizabeth of Mary's desire to marry Darnley (Instructions in Keith, ii. 72–74), and he had also a commission to proceed afterwards to France to 'make the French king and that state allow of her choice' (Throckmorton, 11 May, Cal. State Papers, For. Ser., 1564-5, entry 1159), but on learning that Mary was already treating Darnley as her affianced husband he returned immediately to Scotland. Throckmorton states that he 'never saw him in so great perplexity nor passion, and would have little believed that for any matter he could have been so moved' (ib.) The deception practised upon himself, dread of a rupture with England, and doubt as to Mary's ultimate designs, probably in almost equal proportions, combined to produce his perturbation. Yet when he saw that she was determined to proceed at all hazards he made no attempt further to oppose her, and he kept aloof from the conspiracy of Moray and Argyll.
Although still retaining the office of secretary, Maitland was now practically superseded in the queen's confidence by Rizzio. On 2 June Randolph wrote that the latter 'now worketh all, and that Maitland had' both leave and time enough to make court to his mistress' (ib. entry 1221), and on 31 Oct. he expressed the opinion that Maitland, through his entanglement with Mary Fleming, would, 'wise as he is,' 'show himself a fool' (ib. entry 1638). But if he supposed that Maitland would submit to be superseded by Rizzio, and allow Mary to carry out her scheme of absolutism, he was mistaken. Although he masked his proceedings with admirable skill, it was probably chiefly he who, fathoming her real purposes, suggested the means of thwarting them by the removal of Rizzio. On 9 Feb. he wrote to Cecil that he saw no certain way 'unless they chop at the very root' (ib. 1566-8, entry 82 and he is mentioned by Randolph as one of those privy to the plot (6 March, ib. entry 162). In the 'History of James the Sext' (p. 6) he is represented as suggesting to Darnley that Rizzio, by his necromancy, had won the queen's affection, and Calderwood affirms that, failing at first to entice Morton to 'put hands' on Rizzio, he actually suggested to Rizzio to move the queen to 'alienate her countenance 'from Morton (History, ii. 3ll), M. Philippson ('La Participation de Lethington au meurtre de Riccio,' in Revue Historique, xli. 91-4) has printed certain letters of Maitland, written when he was in disgrace, implying approval of the murder, and if insufficient in themselves to demonstrate his direct connection with it, they are of some value as corroborative evidence. The probability, however, is that he contented himself with enticing others to engage in it and
