" Junius Alter " and had a large circulation. About the same time the director of the E. Prussian Credit Institute, Kapp (destined in 1920 to become celebrated as the perpetrator of the " Kapp Putsch "), published a denunciation of Bethmann Holl- weg under the title of Die Nationalen Kreise und der Reichs- kanzler. The Chancellor's language in the Reichstag was so vigorous and contemptuous that Kapp sent him a challenge to a duel, which the Chancellor did not accept. There were a number of other similar incidents. Prof. Cossmann of Munich published violent attacks against Prof. Valentin of Freiburg, whom he charged with having obtained by theft material which he had used for an article on the number of vessels which had been sunk by the U-boats. Grand Adml. von Tirpitz intervened in this controversy. On June 28 1916 the Reichstag deputy Liebknecht was condemned to two-and-a-half years' penal servitude for having caused a popular demonstration in the Potsdamerplatz in Berlin, by a violent speech against the prolongation of the war. The constantly increasing influence which the Social Dem- ocrats were acquiring was shown by the action of the Govern- ment in conceding two of their demands: the prohibition of the use of foreign languages at political meetings was abolished, and the participation of young persons in assemblies arranged by the trade unions was now permitted.
The food situation had become considerably worse in the course of 1916. In Jan. of that year further restrictions had to be imposed upon traffic in winter corn and in groats for fodder. Maximum prices were fixed for artificial manures. Restrictions were placed upon the use of barley for brewing. In the following April the State took possession of coffee, tea and the substitutes (Ersatz) for them. Soap was rationed 600 grammes monthly per person. The consumption of meat in restaurants was re- stricted. In Feb. all materials for clothing and all ready-made clothes were seized by the Government. In Dec. the boot and shoe trade was subjected to the authority of the Department for Wearing Apparel. In April 1917 an order of the Federal Council limited the supply of paper for printing. In conse- quence of the bad harvest a great part of the milch-cows had to be slaughtered by order. The employment of substitutes (Ersatzmittel), the artificial production of albuminous foods, the manufacture of textile fabrics from nettle fibre and so forth, failed to make up for the deficiency in the real articles. On Nov. 25 Gen. Greener was entrusted with the charge of a department for providing for the efficiency of the economic and industrial equipment of Germany. A special law (das Hilfsdienstgesetz) enacted that all males between the ages of 17 and 60 should be compelled to work. Field-Marshal von Hindenburg issued an appeal for providing the munition workers with a better supply of food fats, whereupon the agricultural interest started a " Hindenburg Donation " movement for the purpose.
The opposition, which had gradually been gathering strength duringi9i6, was intensified early in 1917. On Feb. i, Bethmann Hollweg announced to the Central Committee of the Reichstag the intention to prosecute the unrestricted submarine offensive, and, in view of the attitude of the United States of America, he defended this policy in a further detailed statement at a full session of the Reichstag on Feb. 27. The naval administration laid before the Reichstag certain calculations on the strength of which it was asserted that England would only be able to hold out against the submarine warfare for a few months. The Reichstag did not take up any definite standpoint in regard to the question, although the members of the different parties who spoke did not oppose the submarine warfare. Among the Social Democrats, the Democrats and the Catholic Centre party, how- ever, a feeling was gradually gaining ground that tended more and more to emphasize the necessity for peace, and Bethmann Hollweg was reproached with being under the influence of the Supreme Military Command and with cooperating in the lat- ter's war policy. On May 15 this feeling culminated in an im- portant debate in the Reichstag on the subject of Germany's war aims. In a speech which gave rise to lengthy discussions, the Chancellor summarized these to the effect that a binding statement in detail of Germany's war aims would be injurious to
the interests of the nation at that moment; that he would not permit himself to be influenced by any party, but would be guided solely by the consideration of the interests of the whole nation; that if Russia the Tsar's Government having been overthrown on March 16 by the Russian Revolution wished to conclude peace with Germany, Germany would make no demands incompatible with the liberty and welfare of the nations. In the course of the debate which followed, Scheidemann, the leader of the Social Democrats, vigorously attacked the war aims of the Pan-Germans, and said that if the Government continued to pursue such aims Germany itself would soon be faced by revolution. The speaker on behalf of the Central party, Dr. Spahn, also voiced the longing of the German people for peace, and emphasized the necessity of sincere cooperation between the Kaiser and his people. The Reichstag was then adjourned until July 6. When it reassembled on that day the strength of the feeling against Bethmann Hollweg had become more ominous than ever. The predictions in regard to the submarine warfare had not been fulfilled. America had entered the war, and the prospects for Germany were constantly becoming more and more gloomy. Deputy Erzberger had constituted himself leader of the opposition against the Chancellor, and on July 6, at a meet- ing of the Central Committee of the Reichstag, he disputed the possibility of bringing the enemy to terms by means of sub- marine warfare. Erzberger demanded the immediate initia- tion of negotiations for peace, on the ground that Germany's military situation would not be so favourable at a later date and that it was still possible to make an offer for peace which would have the prospect of obtaining a result favourable to Germany. The Social Democrats and the Democrats supported Erzberger, the former mainly with the object of demanding guarantees that would safeguard the influence of Parliament on the develop- ment of the political situation. Long and continuous confer- ences between the Chancellor and the party leaders ensued. Hindenburg and Ludendorff came to Berlin in order to intervene, but Bethmann Hollweg succeeded in preventing their being received by the Kaiser. The Crown Prince also came to Berlin and had consultations with members of the Reichstag. The Conservatives declared that they did not consider Bethmann Hollweg to be the right man to conduct German policy at this crisis. The Catholic Centre, the Democrats and the Social Democrats were united in working for his fall; and finally, Dr. Stresemann, who, owing to the severe illness of the leader of the National Liberals, Bassermann, was at the head of that party, declared that the National Liberals also had no further interest in his continuance in office. Bethmann Hollweg, however, did everything in his power to retain his position. He even persuaded the Kaiser to issue a declaration on July n in which a promise was made to carry out the franchise reform in Prussia which had long been demanded by the Left, and to conduct the next Prussian general election on the basis of this reform; the declar- ation entrusted the execution of these measures to the Chancellor.
But this final attempt to regain the support of the Left also failed. On the same day, July 1 1 , the Bavarian minister-president, Count Hertling, was summoned to Berlin, and negotiations were conducted with him regarding his succession to the Chancellor- ship. Hertling, it is true, declined. Nevertheless, Bethmann Hollweg's day was over. On July 14 he tendered to the Kaiser the resignation of the Cabinet, and that resignation was accepted. Dr. Michaelis, who was at that time commissioner of state at the Food Department of the Empire, and who was regarded as an extremely capable official but had hitherto played no part in political life, was appointed as his successor. Michaelis was in general sympathy with the Conservative party. The press received the news of his appointment with marked reserve, as did also the Reichstag.
The new Chancellor was at once confronted with a difficult situation. The Catholic Centre party, the People's party and the Social Democratic party had agreed among themselves on a resolution in favour of peace, which they brought before the Reichstag on July 19 1917. This resolution proposed that a declaration be issued by the Reichstag to the effect that it
