he hoped never to live in a Republic whereof one section was pinned to the other by bayonets." When the war began he urged the most vigorous prosecution of it. The "On to Richmond" appeal, which appeared day after day in The Tribune, was incorrectly attributed to him, and it did not wholly meet his approval; but after the defeat at Bull Run he was widely blamed for it. In 1864 he urged negotiations for peace with representatives of the Southern Confederacy in Canada, and was sent by President Lincoln to confer with them. They were found to have no sufficient authority. In 1864 he was one of the Lincoln Presidential electors for New York. At the close of the war, contrary to the general feeling of his party, he urged universal amnesty and impartial suffrage as the basis of reconstruction. ln 1867 his friends again wished to elect him to the Senate of the United States, and the indications were all in his favour. But he refused to be elected under any misapprehension of his attitude, and with what his friends thought unnecessary candour restated his obnoxious views on universal amnesty at length, just before the time for the election, with the certainty that this would prevent his success. Some months later he signed the bail bond of Jefferson Davis, and this provoked a torrent of public indignation. He had written a popular history of the late war, the first volume having an immense sale and bringing him unusually large profits. The second was just issued, and the subscribers, in their anger, refused by thousands to receive it. The Union League Club, of New York, gave him notice, through its President, John Jay, of a special meeting called to consider his conduct. In an indignant letter he refused to attend the meeting, and challenged the club to a direct issue. "Your attempt," he wrote, "to base a great, enduring party on the hate and wrath necessarily engendered by a bloody civil war is as though you should plant a colony on an iceberg which had somehow drifted into a tropical ocean. I tell you here that, out of a life earnestly devoted to the good of human kind, your children will select my going to Richmond and signing that bail bond as the wisest act. . . . . All I care for is that you make this a square, stand-up fight, and record your judgment by yeas and nays. I care not how few vote with me, nor how many vote against me; for I know that the latter will repent it in dust and ashes before three years have passed." The effort to expel him failed. In 1867 he was elected delegate at large to the Convention for the revision of the State constitution. In 1869 he was the Republican candidate for State Controller. There was no hope that any one on the ticket that year could be elected, but he received more votes than most of his associates. In 1870 he was nominated for Congress in a Democratic district. His illness prevented his making any canvass, but his nomination reduced the Democratic majority from 2700 two years before to about 1000, and he ran 300 ahead of the Republican candidate for Governor. He was dissatisfied with the conduct of General Grant's administration, and became its sharp critic. The discontent which he did much to develop ended in the organization of the "Liberal Republican" party, which held its National Convention at Cincinnati in 1872, and was confidently expected to nominate Charles Francis Adams for the presidency. Greeley, however, had unexpected strength, especially among the Southern delegates, and on the sixth ballot received 332 votes against 324 for Adams, immediate changes reducing the Adams vote still further, so that as the ballot was recorded it stood Greeley, 482; Adams, 187. For a time the tide of feeling ran strongly in his favour. It was first checked by the action of his life-long opponents, the Democrats, who also nominated him at their National Convention. He expected their support, on account of his attitude towards the South and hostility to Grant, but he thought it a mistake to give him their formal nomination. The event proved his wisdom. Many Republicans who had sympathized with his criticisms of the administration, and with the declaration of principles adopted at the first convention, were repelled by the coalition. This feeling grew stronger until the election. His old party associates regarded him as a renegade, and the Democrats gave him a half-hearted support. The tone of the canvass was one of unusual bitterness, amounting sometimes to actual ferocity. In August, on representations of the alarming state of the contest, he took the field in person, and made a series of campaign speeches, beginning in New England and extending throughout Pennsylvania, Ohio, and Indiana, which aroused great enthusiasm, and were regarded at the time by both friends and opponents as the most brilliant continuous exhibition of varied intellectual power ever made by a candidate in a presidential canvass. General Grant received in the election 3,597,070 votes, Greeley 2,834,079. The only States Greeley carried were Georgia, Kentucky, Maryland, Missouri, Tennessee, and Texas. He had resigned his editorship of The Tribune immediately after the nomination; he now resumed it cheerfully; but it was soon apparent that his powers had been overstrained. For years he had suffered greatly from sleeplessness. During the intense excitement of the campaign the difficulty was increased. Returning from his campaign tour, he went immediately to the bedside of his dying wife, and for some weeks had practically no sleep at all. This resulted in an inflammation of the upper membrane of the brain, delirium, and death. He expired on the 29th of November 1872. His funeral was a simple but impressive public pageant. The body lay in state in the City Hall, where it was surrounded by crowds of many thousands. The ceremonies were attended by the president and vice-president of the United States, the chief-justice of the supreme court, and a large number of eminent public men of both parties, who followed the hearse in a solemn procession, preceded by the mayor and other civic authorities, down Broadway. He had been the target of constant attack during his life, and his personal foibles, careless dress, and mental eccentricities were the theme of endless ridicule. But his death revealed the high regard in which he was generally held as a leader of opinion and faithful public servant. "Our later Franklin" Whittier called him, and it is in some such light his countrymen remember him. In 1851 Greeley visited Europe for the first time, serving as a juryman at the Crystal Palace Exhibition, appearing before a committee of the House of Commons on newspaper taxes, and urging the repeal of the stamp duty on advertisements. In 1855 he made a second trip to Europe. In Paris he was arrested on the suit of a sculptor, whose statue had been injured in the New York World's Fair (of which he had been a director), and spent two days in Clichy, of which he gave an amusing account. In 1859 he visited California by the overland route, and had numerous public receptions. In 1871 he visited Texas, and his trip through the southern country, where he had once been so odious, was an ovation. About 1852 he purchased a farm at Chappaqua, New York, where he afterwards habitually spent his Saturdays, and experimented in agriculture. He was in constant demand as a lecturer from 1843, when he made his first appearance on the platform, always drew large audiences, and, in spite of his bad management in money matters, received considerable sums, sometimes $6000 or $7000 for a single winter's lecturing. He was also much sought for as a contributor, over his own signature, to the weekly newspapers, and was sometimes largely paid for these articles. In religious faith he was from boyhood a Universalist, and for many years a conspicuous member of the leading Universalist church in New York.
His published works are:—Hints Toward Reforms (New York, 1850); Glances at Europe (1851); History of the Struggle for Slavery Extension (1856); Overland Journey to San Francisco (1860); The American Conflict (2 vols., Hartford, 1864–66, pp. 648 and 782, dedicated to "John Bright, British Commoner and Christian States man, the friend of my country because the friend of mankind"); Recollections of a Busy Life (New York, 1868; new edition, with appendix containing an account of his later years, his Argument on Marriage and Divorce with Robert Dale Owen, and Miscellanies, New York, 1873); Essays on Political Economy (Boston, 1870); What I know of Farming (New York, 1871). He also assisted his brother-in-law, John F. Cleveland, in editing A Political Text-Book (New York, 1860), and supervised for many years the annual issues of The Whig Almanac and The Tribune Almanac, comprising extensive political statistics.
Lives of Greeley have been written by James Parton (New York, 1855; new editions, 1868, and Boston, 1872), L. U. Reavis (New York, 1872), and L. D. Ingersoll (Chicago, 1873). There is also a Memorial of Horace Greeley (New York, 1873). (w. r.)
GREEN BAY, a city of the United States, capital of Brown county, Wisconsin, is situated at the head of Green Bay, an inlet on the west shore of Lake Michigan. The bay is 100 miles long, from 15 to 35 miles wide, and of considerable depth. The city stands near the mouth of Fox River, with a small stream known as the East River on the other side, its situation affording it a secure harbour. It is 242 miles N. of Chicago, 114 N. of Milwaukee, and 120 N.E. of Madison, the capital of the State. By the completion of a canal connecting the Fox and Wisconsin rivers at Portage City, Green Bay has become the terminus of the inland water-system which unites the great lakes with the Mississippi and the Gulf of St Lawrence with the Gulf of Mexico. The nearness of Green Bay to the forests of the State makes it a centre of the lumber trade, and it exports annually large quantities of planks, boards, shingles, staves, and headings. It has several other manufactories, an iron furnace, a foundry, machine-shops, tanneries, planing-mills, and breweries. The fishing interests, especially in white-fish and lake-trout, are important. Three lines of railway and the largest lake steamers minister to its commerce. Though the French formed settlements on the bay as early as 1745, the site of the present city was not laid out until
