But while we claim on behalf of the rural poor some assistance, not of a pecuniary kind, by which they may be aided in the duty of securing provision for themselves in sickness and old age, alterations of great importance are at the same time equally needed in the administration of relief, in order to stop the demoralising habits of improvidence and waste which it does at present encourage among the rural poor.[1] It is simply hopeless to work for any permanent material improvement in the social condition of the agricultural labourer so long as he considers the poor-rate to be his rent-charge in lieu of the portion of soil which he cultivates for another, and in part payment for his labour. It is not possible either to improve their benefit societies to any great extent or to induce labourers in any considerable number to join safe and well managed friendly societies, so long as the vicious notion is not eradicated from their minds that the provision of a pauper is one which they must on no account forfeit by any effort on their part to obtain support for themselves.
In attempting to improve the position of those who dwell in
- ↑ The following extracts are from the report of the Commission in Agriculture:—
"There can be no doubt," says Mr. P. A. Norman, Assistant-Commissioner, "but that the Poor Law has a direct tendency to weaken those feelings of self-reliance and independence among the labouring class on the development of which qualities the amelioration of that class must necessarily depend."
The following is of interest:—
"The great and effectual bar to the formation of habits of independence is the existence of a poor law. Why should a labourer provide against sickness and old age when he has no interest in so doing? If by the age of 65 he is able to cease work and purchase an annuity of 2s. 6d. a week until death, the guardians, very properly, give him nothing. If he has lived freely and saved nothing, the board give him 2s. 6d. a week. Out-of-door relief is a direct premium on improvidence. No class in the community spends so much in proportion to income on personal gratification as the average labourer. He supports all the beer and public houses … The low condition of the labourer, whether in respect of wages and external circumstances, or of mental or spiritual enlightenment, is ascribable to the Poor Law. The first step for his elevation must be its gradual repeal. I have been an active member of the board of guardians for twenty years—a magistrate for eighteen." (From evidence of the Rev. Preb. Wilkinson.)
Mr. G. Culley, Assistant-Commissioner, writes thus:—
"The influence adverse to the fostering of provident habits is the present administration of the poor law, and especially the lax and uncertain manner in which out-door relief is given."
The evidence and remarks of the Commissioners on the subject are of special interest, (See Reports and Appendix in loco.)
Sir Stafford Northcote, the President of the Social Science Congress recently held at Bristol, spoke as follows:—
"Two things only were necessary. First, you must raise the labourer's standard of life; and, secondly, you must clear away all obstacles and give him fair play in striving after it. … Make the labourer feel that his earnings will be in proportion to his work, and much will be effected. But the deadening influence of the Poor Law must be counteracted. The system of Post Office Savings Banks—for which we are so much indebted to the present Prime Minister—might be extended; improved cottages, garden allotments, security for his clubs and investments, would all be legitimate and useful helps."
