were published in 1827 in the Subalpino of Florence, and up to 1830 he wrote constantly for the Indicatore Genovese and for the Indicatore Livenese. At that time a fierce war raged between the classic and romantic schools; between the upholders of a literary despotism of some two thousand years' standing, and those who, in virtue of their own inspirations, sought to emancipate themselves. Mazzini and his followers sided with the romantic school. But the degraded and enslaved condition of Italy, the study of her past history, and more especially the sight of the leaders of the Piedmontese insurrection who, betrayed by Charles Albert, failing to set their own country free, went out to die for the liberties of Spain, inflamed the young patriot with a burning desire to accomplish that in which they had failed to secure the freedom and independence of Italy by means of unity. This idea of unity, transmitted from Dante and Macchiavelli to Melchior Gioja, became the pole-star of his existence. Throughout thirty years of exile and persecution, he has inculcated this idea in Italy with unrivalled constancy and devotion. Often attempting its realization and as often failing, he has so succeeded in permeating the Italians with its necessity that he has brought not only Italian kings and statesmen, but all the powers of Europe, to feel that until Italian unity be realized, there can be no peace in Europe. In 1827, when Italy was portioned out among seven petty tyrants, it seemed a Utopia: to-day, when but Rome and Venice remain to be added to the kingdom of Italy, he is hailed by his countrymen as the apostle of that idea of which Garibaldi is the hero. In 1830 he joined the sect of the Carbonari, and was soon afterwards imprisoned for six months in the fortress of Savona; the only reason assigned to his father being, that the government disliked youths of talent whose thoughts they could never penetrate. Exiled to Marseilles, he wrote his famous letter to Charles Albert, then king of Piedmont. The object of the letter was to remind the king of his early aspirations and of his too late remorse, and to excite him to prepare his army for war with Austria, to dare to change the puny Piedmontese sceptre for the Italian crown. Mazzini was then, and is still by instinct, by faith, and in virtue of the historical traditions of his country, a republican; he would never accept honours or office from a king; but then as now he placed the unity of Italy above any form of government, and had Charles Albert shown any disposition to initiate Italian regeneration, Mazzini would have toiled as faithfully to assist him in his efforts as he has done since he and Garibaldi accepted the programme, "Italy, and Victor Emmanuel." The answer to his letter was an order to the authorities to prevent his ever setting foot in Italy again. He then founded the society of Young Italy in Marseilles; the flower of the Italian youth were members of that society; Garibaldi was one of the most ardent, and in less than a year that association had penetrated to every corner of the peninsula. At the cry of war with Austria the Austrian satellites in Italy trembled; the king of Piedmont alone caused thirty-two young men to be executed simply for having read the doctrines of Young Italy. The expeditions of Savoy and of the brothers Bandiera were attempts on the part of the most fervent believers in the new creed to put it into practice. Then came the revolutions of 1848-49, when it was evident to all that the aspirations of the entire nation were for unity. "One Italy, away with the foreigners," was the battle-cry. In the preparations for and in the guidance of these revolutions, Mazzini took a prominent part, and when Milan was handed back to Radetzky by Charles Albert, and Garibaldi refused to recognize the capitulation, Mazzini, bearing the banner of "God and the people," marched at the head of Medici's company and shared with him the perils and fatigues of the march. Elected by the Roman people, after the flight of the pope in 1849, member of the constituent assembly, and afterwards one of the Triumvirate; the government of the Eternal City devolved upon Mazzini throughout those months, when Rome defied four foreign armies, and even when she fell, won the respect and admiration of the whole civilized world. From 1849 to 1860, Mazzini's life was spent in preparing for a revolution which should accomplish the idea which he had taught the Italians to worship. But the attempt of Milan failed, and the glorious expedition of Pisacane, the forerunner of Garibaldi, failed also; and all but Mazzini and a faithful few believed that no revolutionary attempt in Italy could succeed. When the Franco-Sardinian war seemed probable, Mazzini in the Pensiero ed Azione stated clearly and precisely the terms arranged between Cavour and Napoleon, i.e. that a second Campo Formio would leave Venice and a part of Lombardy in the hands of Austria, and that Savoy and Nice were already sold to France. The fulfilment of this prophecy, together with the earnest and successful efforts of Mazzini and his followers to annex the provinces of Central Italy to Piedmont, and thus thwart Louis Napoleon in his designs on Tuscany, won for Mazzini the reverent adhesion of many Italian patriots, who had hitherto regarded him as an unpractical dreamer and a utopist, and he was not long in collecting funds and in finding emissaries to prepare the revolution in Sicily and Naples. Confronting as he has done throughout his exile all the dangers of clandestine residence in Italy, whenever his presence was necessary, Mazzini succeeded in establishing revolutionary committees in Sicily and Naples, then, when the day was fixed for the outbreak, sent Rosalino Pilo to Garibaldi to get from him the promise, that if the revolution succeeded, he would come to lead it on to victory. Sicily and Naples free, Mazzini set himself to work to prepare for the liberation of Venice and of Rome. His genius, his sacrifice of literary fame and of his independent fortune, thirty years of resolute unbaffled pursuit of the great idea of unity now so near its realization, have at length won for him that place in the hearts of his countrymen so long denied, save by a few staunch and bold followers. A petition covered with forty thousand signatures for the recal of the exile was in August, 1860, presented to the Italian chambers, and in December following a deputation of members of those chambers was sent to the king for the same purpose. For years his writings, both literary and political, have circulated by thousands throughout the oppressed provinces. His "Duties of Man" are in the hands of all the working men of Italy, who, with the other liberal associations of the peninsula, have elected him honorary member, and his last published work, "To the Youth of Italy," completed on the eve of the Sicilian revolution, has become a household word in Italian homes. Daelli of Milan has now purchased the copyright of his works, of which Garibaldi has gratefully accepted the dedication; and when the twelve volumes are completed, the world, which has hitherto regarded him as a revolutionist solely, will judge him in his literary capacity, and understand at what cost to himself he made his literary pursuits second to the interests of his country. His political writings, which spread over a period of thirty years, constitute a historical document of immense importance; they may be regarded as the statistics of the first period of the Italian movement. The echo they found in the youth of Italy, proves that these writings expressed the necessities and aspirations of his countrymen Of the man himself, perhaps the judgment of Thomas Carlyle may be taken as the most unprejudiced, and nearest to the truth. In his letter to the Times on the letter-opening business he writes—"I have had the honour to know Mr. Mazzini for a series of years, and whatever I may think of his practical insight and skill in worldly affairs, I can with great freedom testify to all. men that he, if I have ever seen one such, is a man of genius and virtue, a man of sterling veracity, humanity, and nobleness of mind, one of those rare men, numerable, unfortunately, but as units in this world, who are worthy to be called martyr souls; who in silence piously in their daily life understand and practise what is meant by that." (See Westminster Review, No. lxxxii.) Thirty years of such pious and painful practice, while they have brought Italy very near to the accomplishment of his destinies, have brought Mazzini very near the grave. Should he live to see Venice free, and Rome the capital of united Italy, but one desire remains to him—to be buried in the Campo Santo of Genoa, his native town, by the side of that mother who closed a life of womanly heroism and devotion, calling vainly upon her exiled son. For his works, see Scritti editi e inediti di Giuseppe Mazzini, 12 vols., G. Daelli Milano.—[M.]
MAZZOLINI, Lodovico, born at Ferrara about 1481; died there in 1530. He was the pupil of Lorenzo Costa, and was one of the best of the painters of small pictures of his time in Northern Italy; though, owing to its omission by Vasari, his name is not so generally known as it should have been. He is the most distinguished of the Ferrarese painters after Garofalo, whose small pictures he seems to have studied; his manner is harder than Garofalo's, and his models appear to be as a rule taken from humble life, but they are often admirably painted and invariably richly coloured. His taste, too, in his compositions seems to have been fantastic; he has introduced the most quaint and trivial incidents in the gravest religious compositions. He was apparently a great lover of architectural display, as
