‘buys’; Ml. W. ottid b.b. 89 ‘falls’ (of snow), meccid do. 90 ‘nourishes'; Trenghit golut, ny threingk molut r.b. 1082 ‘wealth perishes, fame perishes not’; Tyfid maban, ny thyf i gadachan ‘an infant grows, its swaddling cloth does not grow’; Dirmycid merch … ŵr ni welo G.Gr. p 77/194 ‘a woman despises a man whom she does not see’.
‑yd occurs in ë-yt (rh. with byt ‘world’) r.p. 1055 ‘goes’. It seems to be confused with ‑id in megyt, meckyt r.p. 1029 ‘nourishes’, gwlychyt do. 1032 ‘wets’.
(2) An ending ‑(h)awd of the 3rd sg. occurs in Early Ml. W. with a future meaning: bithaud (≡ byẟhawd) b.b. 7 ‘will be’, r͑eddaud (dd ≡ tt for dh) do. 58 ‘will run’, dirchavaud do. 61 ‘will arise’, parahaud do. 100, parahawt b.t. 23 ‘will continue’, gyrhawt b.t. 13 ‘will drive’. These forms were survivals, and appear sometimes to be misused as passives under the influence of the ‑t impersonals: cluttaud b.b. 10 ‘will be brought’, briuhaud do. 58 ‘will be broken’.
(3) There are traces of a 3rd sg. in ‑yẟ, as ny wneyẟ gwir ny ein ymro r.p. 1055 ‘he who does not do justice will not be suffered [lit. contained] in a country’; kyn noc y daw rwng ẏ ẟwylaw y gwesgeryẟ do. 1049 ‘[it is] before it comes between his hands that he scatters it’. This is quite distinct from ‑yd above, and comes, as seen, after relatives.
There is no sufficient ground for the assumption, Arch. Camb. 1873 150, of a 3rd sg. ‑haw; for chaffaw b.b. 8 ≡ chaffaf 1st sg., see ii above, gwnaw sk. 126 is an error for gwnaho b.t. 16 l. 2; a wnaỽ b.t. 30 l. 18 is prob. a sc. error for wnaaỽt; the other examples are from untrustworthy texts.
(4) In the dialects an ending ‑iff, in Gwynedd ‑ith, is in common use. D. 85 regards it as falsely deduced from caiff, “Vt Ceriff pro Car, Periff pro Pair … Quæ nunquam sine indignatione audio.” (As ‑iff is not a syllable in caiff the suggested deduction is improbable.)
vii. Beside the usual ‑wn of the 1st pl., we seem to have a 1st pl. pres. ‑en once in the O.W. cet iben juv. sk. ‘we drink together’.
viii. The affection of the stem vowel in the 2nd pl. cerwch shows that ‑wch must be for ‑yw̯ch § 26 vi (5). A trace of this form occurs in chedyw̯ch Ỻ.A. 157 ‘ye keep’ dissim. for *chedw̯yw̯ch; the usual form is cedwch for cedw̯wch: cadwaf ‘I keep’.
ix. (1) Corresponding to the 3rd sg. in ‑hawt, a 3rd pl. in ‑hawnt occurs rarely in the earlier periods: cuinhaunt juv. gl. defleb(unt), gwnahawnt b.t. 13 ‘they will make’.
(2) In O.W. a 3rd pl. pres. ‑int occurs, as limnint juv. gl. tondent, scamnhegint juv. gl. levant, nertheint juv. gl. armant. Some examples occur in the early poetry: diwrissint kedwyr … mi nyd aw b.b. 108 ‘warriors hasten … I go not’; vyẟ … pan ẟyorf(yẟ)yn b.t. 13 ‘will be when they conquer’, discynnyn ib. ‘they will descend’.
x. ☞ The final ‑t of the 3rd pl. of this and of every other tense is often dropped in poetry, even in Early Ml. W., § 106 iii (2): tirran (≡ tỿrran) b.b. 2 ‘they muster’, dygan ib. ‘they bring’, darparan
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