territory, so that the Helvetic republic was made to consist of twenty-two cantons, or counties. The interests of Great Britain caused scarcely any discussion whatever at Vienna. Several settlements in the Indies, the Cape of Good Hope, Malta, the Ionian Islands, and Heligoland—minute spoils from France, Holland, the Knights of St. John, Venice, and Denmark—were, as a matter of course, awarded to the arch-enemy of the Corsican conqueror, and main purveyor of the nervus rerum during the long struggle.
It will be seen from the preceding, that the chief gainers in the re-distribution of European territory by the Congress of Vienna were the four Continental Powers,—Russia, Austria, Prussia, and Holland. France herself lost nothing and gained nothing in territory at the Congress; but was obliged by the Treaty of Vienna to give up several of her most important frontier fortresses—towards the Netherlands, on the Rhine, and at the Alps—which were delivered into the hands of an allied army of 150,000 men, for the term of three years, in order to consolidate the throne of Louis XVIII. The latter was, even to Talleyrand, the most humiliating part of the Peace of 1815, and remains as a kind of insult which the French nation has scarcely yet forgotten.
Such was the work of the Congress of Vienna, as far as regards the strictly political and diplomatic result. But this was not all. The Congress of Vienna, in fact, consisted of two assemblies—an assembly of more or less responsible ministers, and an assembly of completely irresponsible Sovereigns. While the former were deliberating on a peace among nations, the latter were discussing the bases of a peace among themselves; and the result of the latter consultations was that most singular union known as the Holy Alliance. The first impulse to this compact came from Czar Alexander, who in his turn, it is said, was inspired by the before-mentioned Madame Krüdener. The Autocrat of Russia—all his life long a secret admirer of the German school of mystics, known as the “Illuminated”—had been so struck with the prophetic inspirations of this lady, that he invited her to follow in his suite during the latter part of the war of 1813. Accordingly, Madame Krüdener set out with the Russian army, was present at the battle of Leipzig, and entering France made herself conspicuous by publicly imploring benediction for the Russian arms, at a grand review held by the Czar on the Plaine des Vertus. On this occasion the Imperial coach brought the prophetess from the Château Mensil to the front of the defiling host, where she knelt in prayers, surrounded by the Autocrat and his generals, who were lying prostrate on the ground, overwhelmed with devotion. Arrived at Paris, the “prayer-meetings” were continued with greater ardour than ever, and on these occasions the Czar was inspired with what afterwards became the groundwork of the Holy Alliance. Some German historians assert that the draft of the Act was actually drawn up between Alexander I. and Madame, and that the latter gave it the final touch, entreating her “white angel” to implore God to dispose his allies to give it their heartfelt assent. This, as far as is known, proved no very difficult task; placid Frederick William and good-humoured Kaiser Francis assenting without much ado to the proposals of their mighty brother and ally. Thus the three monarchs signed on the 26th of September, 1815, the Act of the Holy Alliance, the beginning of which ran as follows:
In consequence of the great events by which the last three years were signalised, and especially in consideration of the benefits which Divine Providence vouchsafed to confer on their States, their Majesties, having arrived at the perfect conviction of the necessity henceforth to be guided in their mutual intercourse solely by the sublime truth taught by the eternal religion of God, declare that this present act has no other object except to manifest to the universe their unshaken determination to take no guide, either in their internal administration, or in their political relations with other States, but the precepts of the holy religion,—precepts of justice, charity, and peace, which, far from being applicable merely in private life, ought, on the contrary, to influence still more the works of princes, and guide all their steps, as the sole means of consolidating human institutions, and of remedying their imperfections.
In consequence of which, after some further preamble, the three following articles were agreed upon:
Firstly. The three contracting monarchs, according to the Holy Scriptures, ordaining men to regard each other as brethren, will remain indissolubly united by the bonds of fraternity, look upon each other as compatriots, and hasten to each other’s assistance on any occasion; regard themselves in relation to their subjects and armies as family-fathers, and direct them on the same path of fraternity, for the defence of religion, peace, and justice.
Secondly. The same principle shall be maintained mutually among the subjects of the three sovereigns, who will thus be taught to recognise that the only ruler is He to whom alone belongs power, and in whom are all the treasures of love and wisdom.
Thirdly. All persons willing solemnly to accept the sacred precepts of this act, and convinced of how much importance they are for the happiness of nations, will be received with as much readiness as affection into the Holy Alliance.
All the European Sovereigns, except three, successively entered the Holy Alliance. The exceptions were Pope Pius VII., Sultan Mahmud II., and King George IV. The first two declared their positive unwillingness to sign the Act; and the last named notified that he was not allowed to enter the princely union on account of its being contrary to the spirit of the English Constitution.
So passed the Congress of Vienna—the greatest and most important peace-meeting the world had ever seen. Munster and Osnabrück had settled the fate of Germany, Utrecht that of Spain, Rastadt that of France; Vienna fixed for near half a century that of the whole of Europe. It was left to the successor of the prisoner of St. Helena to draw the first important stroke through the political map thus arranged, so as to make it necessary to look to another Congress for the renewed settlement of European affairs. This Congress, already fixed upon once, then indefinitely postponed, and now again spoken of in diplomatic circles, belongs as yet to an unwritten future; but it is certain