SOCIALISM. 288 SOCIALISM. and the cheapening of transportation, the eco- nomic ties binding men together have extended geographieallj' until the wliole world may be said to have become a single economic unit. It is natural that socialism, influenced by the de- velopment of economic society, should also have become international. A further reason for the international character of socialism is to be found in the fact that the leaders of socialistic thought, having called in question and having rejected the existing economic order, are also in the mood to call in question the advantages of the existing political order. They see few or no advantages coming to the workers from the national boundaries and arrangements which separate men. They desire fraternity among the toilers, but as a result of national differ- ences they see the toilers fighting each other, and they' make the claim that all wars take place at the expense of the laborer and for the advantage of a small military and industrial class, who derive therefrom on the one hand glory, and on the other pecuniary profit. The internationalism of socialism was one of the leading thoughts of Karl Marx (q.v.). The first noteworthy result of this internationalism was the organization in 1864 of the International Workingmen's Association (see Ikternationale) , which declared in the by-laws adopted in its first meeting that the emancipation of labor was a so- cial problem, requiring the cooperation of the most advanced countries. Since 1889 the socialists have held international conaresses once in three years, and in 1900 the International Bureau of Socialism was established at Brussels to serve as a common centre for socialism of all countries. As socialism has grown in strength and be- come a political power, a more conservative and rational attitude toward nationality has been developed. Patriotism is no longer execrated as a device for blinding the workers to the evils of exploitation. Militant socialism is still far from the glorification of patriotism and does not seek anywhere to cultivate it, but its attitude might be described as at least neutral. The fraternity of workers the world over is still the great dom- inant idea. In the attitude taken toward the nation there is, however, a line of cleavage among the socialists. In every country there is a conservative, or right wing, of socialists who favor active participation in the national life and efforts to bring about improvement even in cooperation with older political parties. The Fabian Socialists of England (see Fabian So- ciety), the wing of the German Social Democracy, led by Elduard Bernstein (q.v.) of Berlin and G. H. von Vollmar (q.v.) of Munich, and the fac- tion of the French Socialists, led by A. Millerand (q.v.), Minister of Commerce in the French Cabi- net, and Jean LC'on .Jaui'fes (q.v.), are all repre- sentatives of this tendency and are the most con- servative among all the active political socialists. The attitude of socialism toward the State has, during the hundred years of its existence, undergone a development in which we may dis- cover several distinct stages: (1) In the first stage we have as leaders of thought Robert Owen. Etienne Cabet, Count Henri de Saint-Simon, and Charles Fourier (qq.v.). These socialists, with the exception of Owen, did not call particularly upon the State for assistance in their efforts to achieve socialism, preferring generally cooperation based upon voluntary principles. They believed that by establishing communistic settlements they could demonstrate to the world the advan- tages of socialism, and that very soon all men would join communistic associations which would then, in one way or another, be federated to- gether. (2) Louis Blanc (q.v.) in the middle of the nineteenth century may be regarded as the one who more than any other founded political so- cialism. He held that socialists should seek to gain control of political power, and he appealed directly to the State for aid in the establish- ment of socialism. He desired to found social workshops with subsidies from the State, which should gradually absorb private industries. Fer- dinand Lassalle (q.v.) in Germany took a quite similar position, emphasizing most strongly the establisliment of cooperative industrial imdertak- ings with the aid of subsidies from the State. (3) A third stage is found in the attitude of the fol- lowers of Karl Marx and Liebknccht. These look askance upon existing governments, and the or- tliodox Mar.xist is strongly inclined to oppose Government ownership and operation of indus- tries by the existing State, which is condemned for following capitalistic principles in the enter- prises it manages. The German socialists have, then, no special enthusiasm for the State owner- ship and operation of the railroads in Prussia, and in the United States the municipal ownership and operation of public utilities is very fre- quently opposed by individual orthodox socialists, although this attitude of antagonism to muni- cipalization has never received official indorse- ment, and as a matter of fact socialist office- holders are always instructed to vote for nnini- cipal ownership. The programme of the socialists is, first, the capture of the existing organs of gov- ernment; by the wage-earners, and then the in- auguration of public ownership and operation of industries. The special point to be noticed is the insistence upon complete control of the machinery of government by the workers as the first step. The fourth stage is represented by the conserva- tive or extreme right faction of the social- ists, who are willing to cooperate with existing parties in reforms which are in general harmony with the socialist programme, such as municipal ownership of public utilities and Government ownership of railways. These socialists are called opportunists, and in France possibilists. The Fabian socialists are the best illustration, because they decide upon action in each case as it arises. We notice, then, that it is only as a concession on the part of the most conservative socialists that the extension of public ownership and management of industries is favored while the present State lasts. We notice also that democracy is an essential part of political social- ism. Political socialism is not merely socialism, it is socialism plus democracy with an inclination to place democracy first. Democracy to the so- cialist does not mean the kind of government which we have in the United States, but the kind of government which is completely eon- trolled by the workers. Direct legislation is favored, and the initiative and referendum as agencies of direct legislation are very generally advocated. As a rule, if not universally, the plan for the operation of industries is election of foremen, superintendents, and managers by the wage-earners. Socialism in its first phase was not neces-
