Sanskrit Grammar/Chapter XV
PERIPHRASTIC AND COMPOUND CONJUGATION.
1069. One periphrastic formation, the periphrastic future, has been already described (942 ff.), since it has become in the later language a recognized part of every verbal conjugation, and since, though still remaining essentially periphrastic, it has been so fused in its parts and altered in construction as to assume in considerable measure the semblance of an integral tense-formation.By far the most important other formation of the class is —
1070. This (though almost unknown in the Veda, and coming only gradually into use in the Brāhmaṇas) is a tense widely made and frequently used in the classical Sanskrit.
a. It is made by prefixing the accusative of a derivative noun-stem in आ ā́ (accented) to the perfect tense of an auxiliary verb: namely, of √कृ kṛ make, more often of √अस् as be, and very rarely of √भू bhū be.
b. In the older language (see below, 1073d), kṛ is almost the only auxiliary used in making this tense, as occurring very few times, and bhū never. Later, also, bhū is quite rare (it is found nine times in MBh., six times in Rgh., and a few times elsewhere), but as gains very greatly in currency, having become the usual auxiliary, while kṛ is only exceptional.
c. Somewhat similar formations with yet other auxiliaries are not absolutely unknown in the later language: thus, varayām pracakramus (MBh.), pūrayām (etc.) vyadhus (Viracaritra), mṛgayām avāsit (ib.).
1071. The periphrastic perfect occurs as follows:
a. It is the accepted perfect of the derivative conjugations: intensive, desiderative, causative, and denominative; the noun in आ ā́ being made from the present-stem which is the general basis of each conjugation: thus, from √बुध् budh, intensive बोबुधाम् bobudhā́m, desiderative बुभुत्साम् bubhutsā́m, causative बोधयाम् bodhayā́m; denominative मन्त्रयाम् mantrayā́m.
b. The formation from causative stems (including those denominatives which have assumed the aspect of causatives: 1056) is by far the most frequent. Only a few desideratives are quotable (1034 a), and of intensives only jāgarām āsa (1020 a; beside jajāgāra).
c. Most roots beginning with a vowel in a heavy syllable (long by nature or long by position) make this perfect only, and not the simple one: thus, आसाम् āsā́m from √आस् ās sit, ईक्षाम् īkṣā́m from √ईक्ष īkṣ see; उज्झाम् ujjhām from √उझ् ujh forsake; एधाम् edhām from √एध् edh thrive (the only examples quotable). d. Excepted are the roots āp and āñch, and those beginning with a before two consonants (and taking ān as reduplication: 788).
e. The roots (that is, stems reckoned by the grammarians as roots) of more than one syllable have their perfect of this formation: thus, cakāsā́m. But ūrṇu (713) is said to form ūrṇonāva only; while jāgṛ (1020) makes a perfect of either formation, and daridrā (1024 a) is said to do the same.
f. A few other roots make the periphrastic in addition to the usual reduplicated perfect. Thus, in the older language only are found the stems cāyām, tāyām, nilsyām, vāsām (√vas dwell), vidām (√vid know), vyayām, and the reduplicated stems bibhayām and juhavām; the later language adds ayām, jayām, dayām, nayām, smayām, hvayām, and the reduplicated bibharām; and the grammarians teach like formations from uṣ, kās, and the reduplicating hrī. The stem is made in every case from the present-stem, with guṇa of a final vowel.
1072. The periphrastic perfect of the middle voice is made with the middle inflection of √कृ kṛ. For passive use, the auxiliaries अस् as and भू bhū are said to be allowed to take a middle inflection.
a. One or two late examples of bhū with middle inflection have been pointed out, but none of as.
b. It is unnecessary to give a paradigm of this formation, as the inflection of the auxiliaries is the same as in their independent use: for that of √kṛ, see 800 k; of √bhū, see 800 d; of √as, see 800m.
c. The connection of the noun and auxiliary is not so close that other words are not occasionally allowed to come between them: thus, mīmāṅsā́m evá cakré (ÇB.) he merely speculated; vidāṁ vā idam ayaṁ cakāra (JB.) he verily knew this; prabhraṅçayāṁ yo naghuṣaṁ cakāra who made Naghusha fall headlong (Rgh.).
1073. The above is an account of the periphrastic formation with a derivative noun in ām as it appears especially in the later language; earlier, its aspect is rather that of a more general, but quite infrequent, combination of such a noun with various forms of the root kṛ. Thus:
a. Of the periphrastic perfect occurs only a single example in the whole body of Vedic texts (metrical): namely, gamayā́ṁ cakāra (AV.). In the Brāhmaṇas examples from causative stems begin to appear more freely, but are everywhere few in number, except in ÇB. (which has them from twenty-four roots, and a few of these in several occurrences). From desiderative stems they are yet rarer (only seven occurrences, five of them in ÇB.: see 1034 a); and from intensives they are unknown. The periphrastic perfects of primary conjugation were noted above (1071 f: in ÇB., eight stems and about eighty occurrences, chiefly from īkṣ, bhī, and vid; that from vid is found in the greatest number of texts).
b. Forms with the aorist of the auxiliary are in the oldest Brāhmaṇas as numerous as those with the perfect. Thus, with akar occur ramayām (K.), janayā́m and sādayā́m and svadayā́m and sthāpayā́m (MS.); and with akran, vidā́m (TS. TB. MS.). With the aorist optative or precative has been found only pāvayā́ṁ kriyāt (MS.).
c. Like combinations with other tenses are not entirely unknown: thus, juhavāṁ karoti (ÇÇS.). So also in the later language, where have been found quotable half-a-dozen such cases as vidāṁ karoti (Pañc.), vidāṁ karotu and kurvantu (Pañc. etc.).
d. Only two or three cases of the use of as instead of kṛ as auxiliary are met with in the older language: they are mantrayām āsa (AB. GB.), janayām āsa (ÇvU.), and īkṣām āsa (ÇÇS.).
e. A single example of an accented auxiliary is met with in the accentuated texts: namely, atirecayā́ṁ cakrús (ÇB.). As was to be expected, from the nature of the combination, the noun also retains its accent (compare 945).
1074. The frequent use, especially in the later language, of a past or a future passive participle with the copula (or also without it) to make participial phrases having a value analogous to that of verb-tenses, has been already noticed (999). But other similar combinations are not unknown in any period of the language, as made with other auxiliaries, or with other participles.
a. They occur even in the Veda, but are far more common and conspicuous in the Brāhmaṇas, and become again of minor account in the later language.
1075. Examples of the various formations are as follows:a. A (usually present) participle with the tenses of the verb i go. This is the combination, on the whole, of widest and most frequent occurrence. Thus: áyajvano vibhájann éti védaḥ (RV.) he ever gives away the wealth of the non-offerer; yathā sūcyā vāsaḥ saṁdadhad iyād evam evāi ’tābhir yajñasya chidraṁ saṁdadhad eti (AB.) just as one would mend [habitually] a garment with a needle, so with these one mends any defect of the sacrifice; agnir vā idaṁ vāiçvānaro dahann āit (PB.) Agni Vaiçvānara kept burning this creation; té ‘surāḥ párājitā yánto dyā́vāpṛthivī́ úpāçrayan (TB.) those Asuras, getting beaten, took refuge with heaven and earth; tè ‘sya gṛhā́ḥ paçáva upamūryámāṇā īyuḥ (ÇB.) the animals, his family, would be continually destroyed.
b. The same with the verb car go (continually or habitually), signifying still more distinctly than the preceding a continued or habitual action. Thus: agnā́v agníç carati práviṣṭaḥ (AV.) Agni is constantly present in the fire; adaṇdyaṁ daṇḍena ghnantaç caranti (PB.) they make a practice of beating with a rod what is undeserving of punishment.
c. The same with the verbs ās sit and sthā stand, with a like meaning. Thus, juhvata āsate (K.) they continue sacrificing; te ‘pakramya prativāvadato ‘tiṣṭhan (AB.) they, having gone off, kept vehemently refusing. In the later language, sthā is the verb oftenest used, with predicates of various kind, to make a verbal phrase of continuance.
d. A present or future or perfect participle with as and bhū be. The participle is oftenest a future one; as only is used in the optative, bhū usually in other forms. Thus: yaḥ pūrvam anījānaḥ syāt (AB.) whoever may not have made sacrifice before; samāvad eva yajñe kurvāṇā āsan (GB.) they did the same thing at the sacrifice; parikrī́ḍanta āsan (MS.) they were playing about; yátra suptvā́ púnar nā̀ ’vadrāsyán bhávati (ÇB.) when, after sleeping, he is not going to fall asleep again; havyaṁ hi vakṣyan bhavati (AB.) for he is intending to carry the sacrifice; dāsyant syāt (K.) may be going to give; yéna vā́hanena syantsyánt syā́t (ÇB.) with what vehicle he may be about to drive. True expressions for perfect and pluperfect and future perfect time are capable of being made by such means, and now and then are made, but in no regular and continued fashion.
1076. All the forms, personal and other, of verbal conjugation — of both primary and secondary conjugation, and even to some extent of denominative (so far as the denominative stems have become assimilated in value to simple roots) — occur very frequently in combination with certain words of direction, elements of an adverbial character (see the next chapter), the so-called prepositions (according to the original use of that term), or the verbal prefixes.
a. Practically, in the later language, it is as if a compounded root were formed, out of root and prefix, from which then the whole conjugation (with derivatives: below, chap. XVII.) is made, just as from the simple root. Yet, even there (and still more in the older language: 1081 a–c), the combination is so loose, and the members retain so much of their independent value, that in most dictionaries (that of Sir Monier Williams is an exception) the conjugation of each root with prefixes is treated under the simple root, and not in the alphabetic order of the prefix. Derivative words, however, are by universal agreement given in their independent alphabetic place, like simple words.
1077. Those verbal prefixes which have value as such throughout the whole history of the language are given below, in alphabetic order, with their fundamental meanings:
अति áti across, beyond, past, over, to excess;
अधि ádhi above, over, on, on to;
अनु ánu after, along, toward;
अन्तर् antár between, among, within;
अप ápa away, forth, off;
अपि ápi unto, close upon or on;
अभि abhi to, unto, against (often with implied violence);
अव áva down, of;
आ ā́ to, unto, at;
उद् úd up, up forth or out;
उप úpa to, unto, toward;
नि ní down; in, into;
निस् nís out, forth;
परा párā to a distance, away, forth;
परि pári round about, around;
प्र prá forward, onward, forth, fore;
प्रति práti in reversed direction, back to or against, against, in return;
वि ví apart, asunder, away, out;
सम् sám along, with, together.
a. Some of these, of course, are used much more widely and frequently than others. In order of frequency in the older language (as estimated by the number of roots with which they are found used in RV. and AV.), they stand as follows: pra, ā, vi, sam, abhi, ni, ud, pari, anu, upa, prati, ava, nis, ati, apa, parā, adhi, api, antar. Api is of very limited use as prefix in the later language, having become a conjunction, too, also.
b. The meanings given above are only the leading ones. In combinations of root and prefix they undergo much modification, both literal and figurative — yet seldom in such a way that the steps of transition from the fundamental sense are not easy to trace. Sometimes, indeed, the value of a root is hardly perceptibly modified by the addition of the prefix. An intensive force is not infrequently given by pari, vi, and sam.
1078. Prefixes essentially akin with the above, but more distinctly adverbial, and of more restricted use, are these:
ácha (or áchā) to, unto: tolerably frequent in RV. (used with over twenty roots), but already unusual in AV. (only two roots), quite restricted in B., and entirely lost in the later language;
āvís forth to sight, in view: used only with the roots bhū, as, and kṛ;
tirás through, crossways; out of sight: hardly used except with kṛ, dhā, bhū (in RV., with three or four others);
purás in front, forward: used with only half-a-dozen roots, especially kṛ, dhā, i;
prādús forth to view: only with bhū, as, kṛ.
a. A few others, as bahis outside, vinā without, alam (with bhū and kṛ) sufficiently, properly, sākṣāt in view, are still less removed from ordinary adverbs.
1079. Of yet more limited use, and of noun-rather than adverb-value, are:
çrad (or çrath?), only with dhā (in RV., once also with kṛ): çraddhā believe, credit;
hin̄, only with kṛ (and obsolete in the classical language): hin̄kṛ make the sound, hing low, murmur.
a. And beside these stand yet more fortuitous combinations: see below, 1091.
1080. More than one prefix may be set before the same root. Combinations of two are quite usual; of three, much less common; of more than three, rare. Their order is in general determined only by the requirements of the meaning, each added prefix bringing a further modification to the combination before which it is set. But आ ā́ is almost never allowed, either earlier or later, to be put in front of any of the others.
a. The very rare cases of apparent prefixion of ā to another prefix (as āvihanti MBh., āvitanvānāḥ BhP.) are perhaps best explained as having the ā used independently, as an adverb.
1081. In classical Sanskrit, the prefix stands immediately before the verbal form.
a. In the earlier language, however (especially in the Veda; in the Brāhmaṇa less often and more restrictedly), its position is quite free: it may be separated from the verb by another word or words, and may even come after the form to which it belongs; it may also stand alone, qualifying a verb that is understood, or conjointly with another prefix one that is expressed.
b. Thus, sá devā́ṅ é ’há vakṣyati (RV.) he shall bring the gods hither; prá ṇa ā́yūṅṣi tāriṣat (AV.) may he lengthen out our lives; tā́v ā́ yātam úpa dravát (RV.) do ye two come hither quickly; gámad vā́jebhir ā́ sá naḥ (RV.) may he come with gifts hither to us; pári mā́m pári me prajā́m pári ṇaḥ pāhi yád dhánam (AV.) protect me, my progeny, and what wealth we own; yátaḥ sadyá ā́ ca párā ca yánti (AV.) from whence every day they advance and retire; vy àháṁ sárveṇa pāpmánā [avṛtam] ví yákṣmeṇa sám ā́yuṣā (AV.) I have separated from all evil, from disease, [I have joined myself] with life; vi hy enena paçyati (AB.) for by it he sees; ví vā́ eṣá prajáyā paçúbhir ṛdhyate (TB.) he is deprived of progeny and cattle.
c. Three or four instances have been cited from the later language of a prefix separated from, or following, a verb; perhaps the prefix in every such case admits of being regarded as an adverb.
1082. As regards the accent of verb-forms compounded with prefixes, only the case needs to be considered in which the prefix stands (as always in the later language) immediately before the verb; otherwise, verb and prefix are treated as two independent words.
1083. a. A personal verbal form, as has been seen above (592), is ordinarily unaccented: before such a form, the prefix has its own accent; or, if two or more precede the same form, the one nearest the latter is so accented, and the others lose their accent.
b. If, however, the verb-form is accented, the prefix or prefixes lose their accent.
c. That is, in every case, the verb along with its normally situated prefix or prefixes so far constitutes a unity that the whole combination is allowed to take but a single accent.
d. Examples are: páre ’hi nāri púnar é ’hi kṣiprám (AV.) go away, woman; come again quickly; áthā́ ’staṁ vipáretana (RV.) then scatter ye away to your home; samā́cinuṣvā ’nusampráyāhi (AV.) gather together, go forth together after; yád gṛhā́n upodāíti (AV.) when he goes up to the house; evā́ ca tvám sarama ājagántha (RV.) now that you, Saramā, have thus come hither; yénā́ ”viṣṭitaḥ pravivéçithā ’páḥ (RV.) enveloped in which thou didst enter the waters.1084. A prefix, however, not seldom has a more independent value, as a general adverb of direction, or as a preposition (in the usual modern sense of that term), belonging to and governing a noun; in such case, it is not drawn in to form part of a verbal compound, but has its own accent. The two kinds of use shade into one another, and are not divisible by any distinct and fixed line.
a. There is in RV. a considerable number of cases (some thirty) in which the pada-text gives unnecessarily, and probably wrongly, an independent accent to a prefix before an accented verb (or other prefix): resolving, for example, ā́rūhat into ā́ áruhat, vyácet into ví ácet, abhyávarṣīt into abhí ávarṣīt, vyā́sarat into ví ā́ asarat (instead of ā-áruhat etc.).
1085. In combination with the non-personal parts of the verb-system — with participles, infinitives, and gerunds — the general rule is that the prefix loses its accent, in favor of the other member of the compound. But the prefix instead has sometimes the accent: namely, when combined —
a. with the passive participle in ta or na: thus, páreta gone forth; antárhita concealed; ávapanna fallen; sámpūrṇa complete (cf. 1284).
b. But some exceptions to this rule are met with: e. g., in RV., nicitá, niṣkṛtá, praçastá, niṣattá, etc.; in AV., apakrītá.
c. with the infinitive in tu (972), in all its cases: thus, sáṁhartum to collect; ápidhātave to cover up; ávagantos of descending. The doubly accented dative in tavāí retains its final accent, but throws the other back upon the prefix: thus, ánvetavāí for following; ápabhartavāí for carrying off.
1086. The closeness of combination between the root and the prefix is indicated not only by their unity of accent, but also by the euphonic rules (e. g. 185, 192), which allow the mutual adaptations of the two to be made to some extent as if they were parts of a unitary word.
1087. A few special irregularities call for notice:
a. In the later language, api, adhi, and ava, in connection with certain roots and their derivatives, sometimes lose the initial vowel: namely, api with nah and dhā, adhi with sthā, ava with gāh etc.: e. g. pinaddha, pihita, dhiṣṭhita, vagāhya, vataṅsa, vadānya, vaṣṭabhya, vamajjana, vekṣaṇa, valepana. In the Veda, on the other hand, iṣ is in a few cases found instead (apparently) of nis with √kṛ.
b. The final vowel of a prefix, especially an i, is (oftenest in the older language) sometimes lengthened, especially in derivative words: e. g. pratīkāra, nīvṛt, parīhāra, vīrúdh, adhīvāsá, ápīvṛta, abhīvartá; anūrúdh; avāyatī́, prāvṛ́ṣ, úpāvasu. In the Veda, the initial of anu is sometimes lengthened after negative an: e. g. anānudá, anānukṛtyá.
c. In combination with √i go, the prefixes parā, pari, and pra sometimes change their r to l. In this way is formed a kind of derivative stem palāy flee, inflected according to the a-class, in middle voice, which is not uncommon from the Brāhmaṇas down, and has so lost the consciousness of its origin that it sometimes takes the augment prefixed: thus, apalāyiṣṭhās (ÇÇS.), apalāyata (R.), apalāyanta (MBh.); it makes the periphrastic perfect palāyāṁ cakre. The stem palyay, similarly inflected, occurs only in one or two texts (ÇB. JB. JUB.); and plāy has been found nowhere except in MS. Also the imperfect nílāyata (TS. TB.: not separated in the pada-text) and perfect nilayā́ṁ cakre (ÇB.) are doubtless a corresponding formation from √i with nis, though nearly akin in form and meaning with forms from √lī+ni. So also pari becomes pali in the combination palyan̄g (ÇB. ÇÇS.), whether viewed as a denominative formation or as √an̄g+pari. And MS. has once plā́kṣārayan (iii. 10. 2; in an etymology).
d. The root kṛ make sometimes assumes (or retains from a more original condition) an initial s after the prefixes sam, pari, nis, and upa: thus, saṁskurute, samaskurvan, saṁskṛta, etc.; pariṣkṛṇvanti, pariṣkṛta, etc.; nír askṛta; upaskṛta. And √kṛ scatter is said by the grammarians to add s in the same manner, under certain circumstances, after apa and prati (only apaskiramāṇa, praticaskare, both late, are quotable).
e. The passive participle of the roots dā give and dā cut has often the abbreviated form tta after a prefix — of which the final vowel, if i, is lengthened (compare 955 f, and the derivative in ti, below, 1157 c).
f. In a few sporadic cases, the augment is taken before a prefix, instead of between it and the root: thus, avaṣaṭkārṣīt (GB.); udaprapatat (AB.); anvasaṁcarat, pratyasaṁharat, pratyavyūhat, anvavīkṣetām, aprāiṣīt, asambhramat (MBh.); abhyanimantrayat (Har.); vyāvasthāpi (SDS.); compare also the forms from palāy, above, c. And AB. has once niniyoja (for niyuyoja, as read in the corresponding passage of ÇÇS.). Some of the apparent roots of the language have been suspected of being results of a similar unification of root and prefix: e. g. āp from ā+ap, vyac from vi+ac, tyaj from ati+aj.
g. The loss of the initial s of sthā and stambh after the prefix ud has been noticed above (233 c). Also (137 a, c), certain peculiarities of combination of a prefix with the initial vowel of a root.
1088. As to the more general adverbial uses of the prefixes, and their prepositional uses, see the next chapter.
1089. As to the combination of the particles a or an privative, dus ill, and su well, with verb-forms, see 1121 b,g,i. As to the addition of the comparative and superlative suffixes tarām and tamām to verbs, see above, 473 c.
1090. It has been seen above that some of the prepositional prefixes are employed in combination with only very small classes of roots, namely those whose meaning makes them best fitted for auxiliary and periphrastic uses such as kṛ make, bhū and as be, dhā put, i go — and that the first of these are widely used in combination with a derivative in ām to make a periphrastic conjugation. Such roots have also been, from the earliest period of the language, but with increasing frequency, used in somewhat analogous combinations with other elements, substantive and adjective as well as adverbial; and this has become, in part, developed finally into a regular and indefinitely extensible method of increasing the resources of verbal expression.
1091. a. The older language has a number of (mostly) reduplicative onomatopoetic compounds with roots kṛ and bhū, the prefixed element ending in ā or ī (generally the former): thus, in RV., akkhalīkṛ́tya croaking, jañjanābhávant flimmering, alalābhávant making merry, kikirā́ kṛṇu tear; in AV., maṣmaṣā́ ’karam I have crushed; in VS., masmasā́ (also TS.; MS. mṛsmṛsā́) kuru; in TS., malmalābhávant; in K., manmalābhavant, kikkitākāra; in MS., bibibābhávant, bharbharā́ ’bhavat; in AB., bababākurvant. The accentuation, where shown, is like that of a verb-form with accompanying prefix.
b. Further, combinations with √kṛ of utterances used at the sacrifice, and mostly ending in ā: thus, svā́hā, svadhā́, svagā́; also váṣaṭ. In these, too, the accentuation is generally that of a verb with prefix: e. g. svagākaróti (ÇB.; but svadhā́ karóti [?] TA.), vaṣaṭkuryā́t (MS.); and, with another prefix, anuváṣaṭkaroti (ÇB.).
c. An instance or two also occur of ordinary words in such combinations, put in corresponding form: thus, çūlā́ kuryāt (ÇB.) may roast on a spit (çū́la); anṛṇākartos (AB.) of getting clear of debt; āikyābhāvayant (AA.) uniting.
1092. a. The noun namas obeisance, homage, in a still more purely noun-value, becomes combined with √kṛ: in the Veda, only with the gerund, in namaskṛ́tya (beside hastagṛ́hya and karṇagṛ́hya: above, 990 b).
b. A solitary combination with √i go is shown by the accusative ástam home; which, appearing only in ordinary phrases in RV., is in AV. compounded with the participles — in astaṁyánt, astameṣyánt, ástamita (with accent like that of ordinary compounds with a prefix) — and in the Brāhmaṇas and the later language is treated quite like a prefix: thus, astaméti (ÇB.).
c. Other ordinary accusative forms of adjectives in combination with verbal derivatives of kṛ and bhū are found here and there in the older language: thus, çṛtaṁkṛ́tya and nagnaṁkṛ́tya (TS.); nagnambhā́vuka, pāmanambhā́vuka etc. (TS. et al.); ánaruṣkaroti (ÇB.).
1093. In the early but not in the earliest language, a noun-stem thus compounded with kṛ or bhū (and very rarely with as), in verbal nouns and ordinary derivatives, and then also in verbal forms, begins to assume a constant ending ī (of doubtful origin).
a. There is no instance of this in RV., unless the ī of akkhalīkṛ́tya (above, 109l a) is to be so explained. In AV., besides the obscure vātī́kṛta and vātīkārá, is found only phalīkáraṇa. In the Brāhmaṇa language, examples begin to occur more often: thus, in TS., çyetī́, mithunī́, muṣṭī; in TB., further, phalī́, krūrī́, udvāsī; in ÇB., besides some of these, also ekī́, kālvālī́, tīvrī, daridrī, brāhmaṇī, mithunī́, svī́; and açvābhidānī́, of which (as of muṣṭī) the ī might be that of an ordinary grammatical form; in K., dvī; in GB., pravaṇī; in ṢB., vajrī; in AB., matī (from matya). From Upanishad and Sūtra are to be added dvāitī (MU.), samī (KÇS.), navī and kuçalī (AGS.). The accent is in general like that of the similar combinations treated above (1091): e. g. krūrīkurvánti, svīkṛ́tya, brāhmaṇībhū́ya, mithunībhávantyāu, phalī́kartavāí, krūrī́kṛta; but sometimes a mere collocation takes place: thus, mithunī́ bhávantīs (TS.), phalī́ kriyámāṇānām (TB.), vajrī́ bhūtvā́ (TA.). The ī is variously treated: now as an uncombinable final, as in çyetī́ akuruta and mithunī́ abhavan (TS.); now as liable to the ordinary conversions, as in mithuny ènaya syām, mithuny ā̀bhiḥ syām, and svyàkurvata (ÇB.).
b. Out of such beginnings has grown in the later language the following rule:
1094. Any noun or adjective stem is liable to be compounded with verbal forms or derivatives of the roots √कृ kṛ and भू bhū (and of अस् as also; but such cases are extremely rare), in the manner of a verbal prefix. If the final of the stem be an a- or i-vowel, it is changed to ई ī; if an u-vowel, it is changed to ऊ ū.
a. Examples are: stambhībhavati becomes a post; ekacittībhūya becoming of one mind; upahārīkaroṣi thou makest an offering; , nakhaprahārajarjarīkṛta torn to pieces with blows of the claws; çithilībhavanti become loose; kuṇḍalīkṛta ring-shaped; surabhīkṛta made fragrant; ādhīkaraṇa pawning; ṛjūkṛtya straightening; hetūkaraṇa taking as cause. As in the case of the denominatives (1059 c), the combinations with a-stems are the immense majority, and occur abundantly (hardly less than a thousand are quotable) in the later language, but for the most part only once or twice each; those made with i- and u-stems are a very small number. In a few instances, stems in an and as, with those finals changed to ī, are met with: e. g. ātmī-kṛ, yuvī-bhū; unmanī-kṛ, amanī-bhū; final ya after a consonant is contracted to ī: e. g. kāṅsī-kṛ; and anomalous cases like kāṁdiçī-bhū occur. Final ṛ is said to become rī, but no examples are quotable. The combinations with kṛ are about twice as frequent as those with bhū, and examples with as do not appear to have been brought to light.
b. Similar combinations are occasionally made with elements of questionable or altogether obscure character: e. g. urarī-kṛ, urī-kṛ.
c. Examples are not altogether wanting in the later language of ā as final of the compounded noun-stem (cf. 1091): thus, duḥkhā-kṛ, niṣkulā-kṛ, çambā-kṛ, and one or two others.
1095. Of all the forms which constitute or are attached to the verbal system, the passive participle is the one most closely assimilated in its treatment as a combinable element to an ordinary adjective. Next to it come the gerund and the gerundives. Combinations of the kind above treated of are quite common with passive participles and gerunds.