The Biographical Dictionary of America/Adams, John (second President of the United States)

ADAMS, John, second President of the United States, was born at Braintree (Quincy), Mass., Oct. 19 (O. S.) 1735, son of John and Susanna Boylston Adams. His first American ancestor, Henry Adams, Puritan, emigrated from Devonshire, Eng., in 1636, he having been granted a tract of land embracing forty acres at Braintree in the province of Massachusetts. He brought over with, him eight sons and was one of the original proprietors of the town of Braintree. It was the custom of the Adams family to educate the eldest son of each generation for some profession, and John was carefully prepared for Harvard college, which he entered in 1751, graduating thence a bachelor of arts, in 1755. While at college a great future was predicted for him, the acuteness and originality of his mind, and the frankness and independence of his character, being fully recognized even at that early date. Immediately after his graduation he received and accepted an invitation to take charge of the grammar school at Worcester, Mass. The occupation of teaching did not prove at all congenial to the high-spirited and ambitious youth. In a letter dated at Worcester, Sept. 2, 1755, he thus facetiously describes, for the edification of his friend Robert Cranch, "the situation" of his "mind": "When the nimble hours have tackled Apollo's courses, and the gay deity mounts the eastern sky, the gloomy pedagogue arises, frowning and lowering like a black cloud begrimed with uncommon wrath, to blast a devoted land. When the destined time arrives he enters upon action, and, as a haughty monarch ascends his throne, the pedagogue mounts his awful great chair and dispenses right and justice through his empire. His obsequious subjects execute the imperial mandates with cheerfulness, and think it their high happiness to be employed in the service of the emperor. Sometimes paper, sometimes pen-knife, now birch, now arithmetic, now a ferule, then A, B, C, then scolding, then flattering, then thwacking, calls for the pedagogue's attention. At length, his spirits all exhausted, down comes pedagogue from his throne and walks out in awful solemnity through a cringing multitude. In the afternoon he passes through the same dreadful scenes, smokes his pipes, and goes to bed. The situation of the town is quite pleasant . . . but the school is indeed a school of affliction. A large number of little runtlings just capable of lisping A, B, C, and troubling the master. But Dr. Savil tells me for my comfort, 'by cultivating and pruning these tender plants in the garden of Worcester, I shall make some of them plants of renown and cedars of Lebanon.' However this be, I am certain that keeping this school any length of time would make a base weed and ignoble shrub of me." It was his father's wish that he should enter the ministry, and in various letters written to friends are found recorded his strong predilection for preaching. But, after long and careful deliberation, in which he weighed the advantages and disadvantages of a career as lawyer, doctor, clergyman, soldier, farmer and merchant, he finally decided to adopt the legal profession. His great objection to entering the ministry was the frigidity of Calvinism, and his father, respecting his views, though not coinciding with them, permitted him to follow his inclination in the matter. He was peculiarly adapted for the profession he had chosen; for, in addition to his superior mental endowment, he was possessed of a sound constitution, a clear, resonant voice, a lively sensibility, high moral sense, great self-confidence and oratorical gifts of a high order.

In September, 1756, he entered the office of Col. James Putnam, a distinguished lawyer of Worcester, and applied himself with great diligence to the study of the law, continuing his teaching in the meantime as a means of livelihood. He was admitted to the bar in 1758, being presented by Mr. Jeremy Gridley, then attorney-general of the province, and one of the most eminent lawyers and scholars of the time. It was upon the advice of Mr. Gridley, who entertained a high opinion of his ability, that he made an especial study of civil law, acquiring that complete mastery of the subject which was of such vital importance to him in after years. He commenced practice in the little village of Braintree and lived at the old homestead until his marriage. On October 25, 1764, Mr. Adams married Abigail, daughter of Rev. William Smith, pastor of the first Congregational church of Weymouth. Miss Abigail's older sister, Mary, had married Richard Cranch, a lawyer of some reputation and considerable wealth. The suit of Mr. Adams, who had neither fame nor fortune, was not looked upon with favor by any one at the parsonage save Miss Abigail herself. It was the custom in those days to have a marriage sermon, and Dr. Smith permitted his daughters to choose their own text. When Mary was married her text was, "Mary hath chosen that good part which shall not be taken away from her." Father Smith emphasized "that good part," which was obedience. John and Abigail heard the sermon, and when the time came for Abigail to choose a text she selected, "John came neither eating nor drinking, and they said, 'he hath a devil.'" Dr. Smith objected, but Abigail insisted, and the text was used to the great amusement of the friends and parishioners. Mr. Adams had great reason to delight himself in his wife; for, in addition to the fact that his marriage with her brought him into alliance with several families of note and influence, she was a woman of noble character, charming manner, calm judgment, ready resource, and uncompromising patriotism. The first year of his marriage was spent in Braintree, and he began to take an active part in the conduct of the affairs of the village. He had before held the office of surveyor of public highways, and he was now chosen selectman, overseer of the poor, and assessor. But though he had not heretofore taken any prominent stand before the public, many passages from the early pages of his diary, and from letters written in young manhood, foreshadow the statesman and patriot he was destined to become. As early as 1755, during the dark days of the war with France, he had written: "All that part of creation which lies within our observation is liable to change. Even mighty states and kingdoms are not exempted. If we look into history we shall find some nations rising from contemptible beginnings and spreading their influence till the whole globe is subjected to their sway. When they have reached the summit of grandeur, some minute and unsuspected cause commonly effects their ruin, and the empire of the world is transferred to some other place. Immortal Rome was at first but an insignificant village, . . . but by degrees it rose to a stupendous height. . . . But the demolition of Carthage by removing all danger, suffered it (Rome) to sink into debauchery, and made it, at length, an easy prey to barbarians. England, immediately upon this, began to increase ... in power and magnificence; and is now the greatest nation upon the globe. Soon after the Reformation a few people came over into this new world, for conscience sake. Perhaps this apparently trivial incident may transfer the seat of empire into America. It looks likely to me." Here is exhibited the student looking into the past and seeing clearly by the aid of its light the glory of the future, unclouded by the gloom of the present. He saw, even at that early day, that it was only through union that the colonies could ever hope to achieve self-government. "The only way," wrote he, "to keep us from setting up for ourselves is to disunite us. Divide et impera."

The passage of the obnoxious Stamp Act in 1765 was the occasion which roused into action all the dormant faculties of Mr. Adams's mind, and from that time he was prominent in all the measures taken to protect the colony from the exactions of the mother country. Fearless in the expression of his honest convictions he wrote at this time: "Be it remembered, liberty must at all hazards be defended; ... we have an indisputable right to demand our privileges against all the power and authority on earth." To Mr. Jonathan Sewall, a friend of his youth who had espoused the Royalist cause, and who urged upon Mr. Adams the hopelessness of entering into a contest with so irresistible a foe as England, he said: "I know that Great Britain is determined on her system; and that very determination determines me on mine. You know I have been constant and uniform in opposition to all her measures. The die is now cast, I have passed the Rubicon; sink or swim, live or die, survive or perish, with my country, is my unalterable determination."

At a town meeting held immediately after the announcement of the passage of the Stamp Act he presented a series of resolutions in regard to the measure, which was intended for the instruction of the representatives to the assembly. The resolutions were unanimously adopted, and being published in Draper's paper were adopted by forty other towns in the province for the instruction of their respective representatives. It was at this time that he wrote a number of articles for the Boston Gazette under the title, "An Essay on Canon and Feudal Laws." His aim in writing the papers was not to elucidate the principles of either canon or feudal law, but to hold them up as objects of abhorrence, that Americans might see the conspiracy between church and state for the oppression of the people. He wished to inculcate genuine principles of freedom; to call attention to the truth that the only legitimate foundation for a government is the will and happiness of the people; and to arouse Americans to the assertion and defence of their rights. These papers were re-printed in London under the title: "A Dissertation on the Canon and Feudal Law," and were generally attributed to Mr. Jeremy Gridley, then attorney-general of the province.

In December, 1765, Mr. Adams appeared with Otis and Gridley before the governor and council, to ask for the re-opening of the courts, contending that the Stamp Act was illegal, the colonies having no representative in Parliament. "The Freeman," he said, "pays no tax, as the freeman submits to no law but such as emanates from the body in which he is represented."

In 1768 he moved to Boston, occupying what was known as the "White House" in Brattle Square. Governor Bernard offered him the office of advocate-general, but although ambitious and needing the emoluments of the office, he declined, lest he should hamper his own freedom of action. He would not even accept the appointment of justice of the peace. At the time of the "Boston Massacre" in 1770, notwithstanding his sympathies with the people, he defended Captain Preston and the soldiers under his command. This straightforward manliness did him no harm, and in the same year he was elected to the General Court. His defence of Captain Preston and all the attendant circumstances have been held to be the first critical period of his life. His election to the House of Representatives committed him to a more public adherence to the cause of the people. From this time he was active in all political measures, though he recognized the precarious condition of matters affecting private and public life, and felt that he was surrendering ease and safety. He said: "I consider the step a devotion of my family to ruin and of myself to death. I had devoted myself to endless labor and anxiety, if not to infamy and death, and that for nothing except, what indeed was and ought to be all in all, a sense of duty." When his wife was told his decision, and what peril it might involve, the brave, true-hearted, patriotic woman exclaimed, though with eyes streaming with tears, "You have done as you ought, and I am willing to share in all that is to come, and to place my trust in Providence."

In 1773 Mr. Adams came into direct conflict with Governor Hutchinson. The latter had been foiled in his attempts to tax the colonies without their consent, and this largely through the influence of Mr. Adams, who had drafted a paper on the whole matter and defended it. Hutchinson's letters to the British government had been mysteriously obtained and sent to Boston by Franklin. These letters implicated Hutchinson and Lieutenant-Governor Oliver, in a conspiracy against the liberties of the colonies. John Adams, who had been elected a member of the General Court on May 25 of that year, was present when the letters were read and commented upon. He was influential in carrying the vote to publish them, and in inspiring the address to the king asking for the removal of Hutchinson and Oliver. Mr. Adams is known as the "Father of the American Navy." His earliest efforts in behalf of this important arm of the public service were directed to fitting out vessels of war to protect the seaport towns of New England against English depredations early in the war for independence. Afterwards, when a delegate in Congress, he secured appropriations for the aid of the navy, and as President, on the outbreak of trouble with France, he organized the navy department to take the place of the former board of admiralty. Six frigates, eighteen sloops of war, and ten galleys were ordered to be built or purchased and put in commission. Then followed actual hostilities at sea. Several French vessels were captured. Other vessels of considerable armament were authorized. Three well known frigates, "The United States," "The Constitution," and "The Constellation," were by his recommendation manned and employed by Act of Congress, July 1st, 1797. When the controversy with France was settled, March 3, 1801, the President was instructed to dispose of the ships belonging to the navy, excepting thirteen frigates — seven to be laid up in ordinary and six held ready for service.

Mr. Adams largely influenced the action of the general assembly in bringing about the impeachment of Chief Justice Oliver, and in consequence the court was not re-opened until after April 19, 1775, when the provincial government was in authority. The time had now arrived when more decisive measures were necessary, and the era of physical force was inaugurated. "Reason was exhausted and nothing was left but arms." The first Continental Congress was called by the assembly convened June 17, 1774, at Salem and holding its session with closed doors. Mr. Adams was chosen one of the five delegates from Massachusetts. The matters to be considered: The five acts of Parliament, the Boston Port Bill, and the Regulating Act, were introductory to the measures looking to final independence. Munitions of war were gathered and stored away in readiness for any emergency. The second Continental Congress was brought face to face with the necessity for an army well officered and equipped. New England had enlisted 16,000 men for the siege of Boston, and in view of the existing state of affairs, and the need for the colonies to present a united front, John Adams on June 15, 1775, nominated Washington as commander of the Colonial army. This has been regarded as the second masterly act in his life. In May, 1776, Mr. Adams introduced in the Colonial Congress a resolution giving the separate colonies independent government, and at last was able to carry it, despite the opposition of the delegates representing the Middle states. This, Mr. Adams declared, cut the "Gordian knot," and in the next month Richard Henry Lee, of Virginia, moved the resolution of independence, which Mr. Adams seconded in a speech so able, unanswerable, and convincing that Jefferson declared him to be the "Colossus of that debate." This was the third conspicuous event in his career. The further consideration of Mr. Lee's resolution was postponed to the lst of July, a committee being formed who should put into fitting language a declaration to accompany the resolution. The committee was chosen by ballot and consisted of Thomas Jefferson, John Adams, Benjamin Franklin, Roger Sherman, and Robert R. Livingston. Mr. Lee's resolution was debated July 1st and 2d; on the latter day it was adopted; then the act of Congress setting forth the Declaration of Independence, after being debated on the 2d, 3d, and 4th days of July, was passed on the 4th. On the 19th the act was ordered to be engrossed and signed by every member of the Congress. This was done August 2d by those present; afterwards by those absent or who were elected and took their seats in that year. The day after the adoption of Mr. Lee's resolution, Mr. Adams wrote to his wife: "Yesterday the greatest question was decided which ever was debated in America, and a greater never was, nor will be decided among them. A resolution was passed without one dissenting colony, 'that these united colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and independent states.' The day just passed, the Fourth of July, 1776, will be a memorable epoch in the history of America. I am apt to believe it will be celebrated by succeeding generations as the great anniversary festival. It ought to be commemorated, as the day of deliverance, by solemn acts of devotion to God Almighty. It ought to be solemnized with pomp and parade, with shows, games, sports, guns, bells, bonfires, and illuminations — from one end of the continent to the other — from this time forward, forevermore." In 1777 he was sent as commissioner to France, and returned in 1779, leaving Franklin minister plenipotentiary. He was chosen delegate to the convention charged with the duty of framing a new constitution for Massachusetts, but was unable to serve, as he was sent to Great Britain as commissioner to treat for peace. Despite some trouble with Minister Vergennes in Paris, he was able to secure concessions which bore fruit in the treaty of 1783. The fourth conspicuous event in Mr. Adams's life was the negotiation of the Dutch loan in October, 1782, Holland having formally recognized the independence of the United States in April preceding. Holland had good cause for complaint against England. Her people were stirred to indignation because of the plunder of St. Eustatius. They were predisposed, therefore, to extend sympathy and help to any country contending against England. Just at this time, moreover, came the news of Lord Cornwallis's surrender at Yorktown, Oct. 19, 1781. Mr. Adams before this had made use of every opportunity to introduce, as it were, America to Holland. He invited the liberty-loving people of the Hague to clasp hands with the liberty-loving people of America. It was done; a treaty of commerce was concluded; a loan of $2,000,000 effected, and Adams held his success to be so considerable, that he wrote with exultation: "One thing, thank God! is certain, I have planted the American standard at the Hague. There let it wave and fly in triumph over Sir Joseph Yorke and British pride. I shall look down upon the flagstaff with pleasure from the other world." Following this event came the series of complications in Paris connected with the treaty of peace with England in 1783. Matters were so dexterously managed by Mr. Adams and Mr. Jay that Vergennes was outgeneralled and a brilliant success achieved. This triumph of diplomacy may be called the fifth distinguished event in his public life. In May, 1785, while still engaged in negotiating a treaty with Prussia, and in securing recognition, commercial and otherwise, by foreign powers, he was appointed minister to the court of St. James. His stay in England was by no means agreeable to him. His brusque manners, with his undoubted skill in diplomacy, appealed to the bluff Englishman's respect for fearless sincerity in speech and conduct, but the time had not come for cordial, pacific measures — the result of the war was too recent, and British pride too sensitive. The king grew frigid, and the courtiers froze. No satisfactory solution could be agreed upon as to the surrender of western ports on or near the Great Lakes, consequent largely upon the inability of the United States to meet its pecuniary obligations to the full. It was more than hoped, it was expected, that the republican experiment would fail, that the states would fall apart like a rope of sand, and the people disheartened turn back to the "leeks and garlic" of Great Britain. Mr. Adams finding his mission abroad to some extent fruitless, and believing that some other person than himself would be more agreeable to the court, and, under existing circumstances, more efficient, asked to be re-called in 1788. His request was granted. He received the thanks of Congress for his "patriotism, perseverance, integrity and diligence."

By this time efforts were being made to formally organize the government under the Constitution. Washington was chosen President; Adams, Vice-President. The difference in the number of votes cast respectively for these conspicuous positions — sixty-nine for the presidency and thirty-four for the vice-presidency — was a matter of chagrin to Mr. Adams, who knew the value of his services and his self-sacrificing devotion to the country. He was stanch in supporting the policy of the President, and was able to direct the action of the Senate on many questions on which, as presiding officer, he held, by a tie vote, the balance of power. A marked divergence in men's views of various political questions now gave rise to two distinct parties — the Federalist, known afterward as Whig and then as Republican; and the other, first known as Republican and then as Democratic. Mr. Adams was a pronounced Federalist. At the second presidential election the opposition to Mr. Adams, consequent upon his "Discourses on Davila," concerning questions that arose out of the French revolution, centred on George Clinton as candidate for the vice-presidency. Adams was, however, re-elected; and in 1796, Washington, refusing to entertain the thought of a third term, Mr. Adams was, after a prolonged and acrimonious contest, chosen President of the United States in 1796. When Mr. Adams came into the presidency he retained as secretary of state Timothy Pickering, who had been appointed by Washington. On May 13, 1800, he removed him as not being in sympathy with his administration, and appointed John Marshall of Virginia, who retained the position until January 27, 1801, when Adams made him chief justice of the United States Supreme Court, to succeed Oliver Ellsworth. In the war department he retained James McHenry, who had served as secretary under Washington, until he resigned May 13, 1800, when he appointed Samuel Dexter of Massachusetts, who retained the portfolio until January 1, 1801, when he resigned to take the treasury portfolio. Adams then appointed Roger Griswold of Connecticut. In the treasury department he found Oliver Wolcott, who had succeeded Alexander Hamilton, and President Adams continued him as secretary until Nov. 8, 1800, when he resigned and was at once appointed United States judge of the Supreme Court of the second district. Mr. Adams appointed Samuel Dexter secretary Jan. 1, 1801. In the navy department Mr. Adams retained Washington's appointee, Benjamin Stoddert, throughout his administration. As attorney-general Mr. Adams retained the services of Charles Lee, and that of James Habersham, as postmaster-general, both having served in Washington's administration. Then followed a time of storm. France discriminated against American commerce, refused to treat with the commissioners who were appointed, and who were so insulted by the envoys of Talleyrand that Mr. Adams was compelled to advise Congress of the failure of the mission and the necessity to prepare for war. Papers were called for, and the famous "X. Y. Z. correspondence" submitted. The excitement in America spread to England and Europe. "Millions for defence, not one cent for tribute," was the cry throughout the states. "Hail Columbia" sung itself out of the hearts of the people. Talleyrand was burnt in effigy; letters of marque were issued, and an alliance with Great Britain against France was projected. France weakened. Mr. Adams decided to avoid war. Commissioners were appointed to treat with France; they reached Paris to find the direction of affairs in the hands of Napoleon. All events conspired to disintegrate the Federalist party. In the election of 1800 Adams was refused a re-election. His last official act notable for its influence upon the dignity of the national judiciary was the appointment of John Marshall as chief justice of the United States. He refused to attend the inauguration of his successor. In old age the political differences between himself and Jefferson were adjusted, and they corresponded on friendly terms. Mr. Adams freely expressed his opinions on public affairs in letters and essays written mainly to meet the exigencies of the time. His writings had the merit of being earnest and forceful. His most important publications are: "Canon and Federal Law" (1765); "Rights and Grievances of the American Colonies" (1774); "Plans of Government of the Indepedent State (1776); "The Constitution of Massachusetts" (1779); "Defence of the American Constitution" (1786); Other papers given to the press were published in the journals of the day. He insisted that the main points in the Declaration of Independence belonged to him. Referring to a letter written when he was a young man twenty years of age he says: "Jefferson has acquired such glory by his Declaration of Independence, in 1776, that, I think, I may boast of my declaration of independence in 1755, twenty-one years older than his. . . . He received the honorary degree of A.M. from Union college in 1809, and that of LL.D. from Harvard in 1781; from Dartmouth college in 1783; from Yale in 1788; and from Brown in 1797. He was elected president of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences, and was a member of the Massachusetts Historical society and also of the American Philosophical society. Mr. Adams lived to see his son president of the United States and to enter upon the fiftieth anniversary of American independence. The day seemed to recall the scenes of fifty years ago, and his last audible words were "Thomas Jefferson still survives." It is a strange coincidence that the "father of the Declaration" had breathed his last that very day, but a few hours before the great man, who inspired the immortal document, died. He died at Quincy, Mass., July 4, 1826.