The Biographical Dictionary of America/Adams, John Quincy (sixth President of the United States)

ADAMS, John Quincy, sixth president of the United States, was born in Braintree (Quincy), Mass., July 11, 1767, son of John and Abigail Smith Adams. Many unusual circumstances and influences conspired to train his mind and form his character on a broad and heroic plan. The air he breathed was charged with patriotism. His father was one of the foremost leaders in all the stirring events of those most stirring times, and "liberty," "freedom," and "independence" were household words in the family. He was named for John Quincy, his maternal great-grandfather. His early schooling was received at the knee of a mother whose strength and poise of mind and character were exceptional. When he was ten years of age his father was appointed by Congress joint commissioner with Benjamin Franklin to negotiate an alliance with France. He accompanied his father to Paris, where he not only attended school, but enjoyed the benefit of the daily instruction and conversation of Benjamin Franklin, and some of the most scholarly men of the court. After a residence of eighteen months in France, father and son returned to America; but their stay was destined to be brief, for in three months the father was again despatched on a foreign mission, this time to negotiate a treaty of peace with England; and again the son accompanied him to France, where the business was to be transacted. They arrived in Paris in February, 1780, after a tempestuous and most eventful voyage, and remained until the following summer, when they proceeded to Holland, the elder Adams having been commissioned to arrange a treaty with that country. John Quincy was placed at school in Amsterdam, and afterward entered the academical department of the Leyden university. In July, 1781, when but a boy of fourteen, he became private secretary and interpreter to Francis Dana, minister plenipotentiary to the court of St. Petersburg, retaining the position until Mr. Dana's relinquishment of the office in October, 1783. This is the only case on record where so young a person was entrusted with so responsible a government position. Leaving St. Petersburg he made an extended tour through Norway, Sweden, northern Germany, and Holland to France, where he joined his father, who had returned to Paris after successfully accomplishing the business which had taken him to Holland. Acting as his father's secretary, he assisted in preparing the document which later "dispersed all possible doubt of the independence of his country," and he was present on the occasion of the signing of that document. During the next two years he continued to act as his father's secretary, accompanying him on his various public missions. In 1785, upon his father's acceptance of the appointment of minister to England, John Quincy returned to the United States, and after some preparatory study entered the junior class of Harvard college in March, 1786, and was graduated from that institution in 1787. Entering the office of Theophilus Parsons of Newburyport he applied himself to the study of the law, and upon admission to the bar in 1790 commenced practice in Boston. He at this time contributed articles on timely topics to the newspapers under the pen names, "Publicola," "Marcellus," and "Columbus." "Union at home and independence of all foreign combinations abroad," the two principles on which his future statesmanship was to rest, are clearly set forth in these articles, and when their authorship, — generally accredited to his father — was discovered, he was hailed as a worthy son of his illustrious sire. Washington appointed him minister to the Netherlands in 1794, and to Portugal in 1796, though his father's election to the presidency at this juncture interfered with his acceptance of the latter office. On July 26, 1797, he was married to Louisa Catherine, daughter of Joshua Johnson of Maryland, consular agent of the United States at London, and in the same year he was appointed minister to the court of Berlin. This appointment was made by his father after consultation with Washington, who strongly advised the promotion. During his residence at Berlin he succeeded in effecting a treaty of amity and commerce with the king of Sweden, and at this period he also translated into English Wieland's "Oberon," and wrote a series of entertaining letters describing a journey through Silesia, which were afterward published in Philadelphia and London, and translated into several European languages. On the termination of his father's administration he was recalled at his own request, and returned to his native land, where he resumed the practice of his profession. In 1802 he was elected to the Massachusetts senate, and later in the same year to the United States senate. He took his seat March 3, 1803, a most unpropitious moment for the son of his father, and his life as a senator was not agreeable. The party had fallen into factions during the administration of John Adams, and his political enemies, not satisfied with his downfall, now seized with avidity every opportunity of venting their malice on his son. He was subjected to insults, which he bore, for the most part with imperturable equanimity. "His very presence in Congress was ignored and his desires and acts were held in utter contempt. "He was treated with studied neglect and discourtesy. Nor was this altogether on his father's account. He, himself, was wilfully misjudged. His independent course of speech and action was misconstrued. His purpose in every act, was for the interest of the nation. As he wrote in his diary: "I feel strong temptation and have great provocation to plunge into political controversy. But I hope to preserve myself from it by the considerations which have led me to the resolution of renouncing. A politician in this country must be the man of a party. I would fain be the man of my whole country." While he favored the acquisition of Louisiana, which Mr. Jefferson desired, he denied the justice and constitutionality of the methods proposed. The resolutions he offered were rejected. In the trial of Samuel Chase of the United States supreme court, and of John Pickering, district judge of New Hampshire, he was stanchly for acquittal, and held that Mr. Jefferson's course was subversive of the honor and power of one of the three important branches of the government. In 1805 he made an effort to have a tax levied on every slave brought into the country. In 1806 he introduced a resolution condemning the British practice of searching ships, and demanded the restitution of American property seized by Great Britain. In 1808 Timothy Pickering, his associate in the senate, wrote a letter to the governor of Massachusetts, in which he vehemently opposed the embargo act and all that accompanied it. Mr. Adams replied defending President Jefferson and declaring the embargo dignified, patriotic and necessary. This letter excited great political opposition. The Federalists declared he had betrayed their cause without good reason, and to mark their reprobation they caused an election to be held, although Mr. Adams's term of service would close on March 3 the next year. James Lloyd was chosen his successor by a majority of thirty-five in a vote of four hundred and sixty-one. Mr. Adams immediately wrote a dignified letter of resignation which was accepted. During his senatorial term, in the summer of 1805, he had been chosen professor of rhetoric and oratory in Harvard college. He accepted the position and began his first course of lectures in July, 1806, and continued to fulfil the duties of the professorship until his appointment in the summer of 1809 as minister to Russia. President Madison had nominated him in March, but the senate decided it to be inexpedient, at that time, to authorize the mission. Three months later, however, the nomination was confirmed by 19 to 7 — and for over four years he had his residence in Russia. He was received with great courtesy and appears to have enjoyed his mission exceedingly. During his residence abroad Mr. Madison offered him a seat on the bench of the supreme court of the United States, which he declined. Meanwhile the war of 1813 occurred, and the Czar proffered his services as arbitrator between the United States and Great Britain. This Great Britain declined, but suggested a mutual conference of commissioners at Ghent. This was assented to, and in December, 1814, terms of peace were agreed upon by which, under Mr. Adams's wise diplomacy, special fishery advantages were secured to the United States. A new commercial treaty was negotiated July 13, 1815, about six weeks after his appointment as minister to England. He remained in Great Britain till he received from President Monroe an appointment as secretary of state. During his occupancy of this office he secured the cession of Florida through the Spanish minister, Senor Onis, in consideration of the payment of $5,000,000 to liquidate claims against Spain by American merchants. He stood by General Jackson in upholding what he deemed the rightful claim of the United States to Spanish Florida, and favored the recognition of the independence of the revolted Spanish American colonies. By cautious policy he avoided all complications with the South American colonies; and emphasized and secured the authoritative recognition of the so-called "Monroe Doctrine," of which he was one of the principal authors.

In 1824 Adams, Jackson, Crawford, and Clay were candidates for the presidency. The vote being indeterminate, the choice was thrown into the House of Representatives, resulting in the election of Adams as president. John C. Calhoun was vice-president. On assuming the functions of office President Adams appointed Henry Clay of Kentucky to the portfolio of state, Richard Rush of Pennsylvania to the treasury, James Barbour of Virginia, to the war department, and retained of Mr. Monroe's cabinet, Samuel L. Southard of New Jersey, as secretary of the navy, John McPherson Berrian of Georgia, as attorney-general, and John McLean of Ohio, as postmaster-general. There was but one change in his official family during his administration, when, on the appointment of James Barbour as minister to England, he made Peter B. Porter of New York secretary of war. The appointment of Clay as secretary of state created much feeling, Mr. Adams being vehemently accused by Jackson and his partisans as having in this way consummated a bargain by which the presidency had been secured. This was afterward proved to have no foundation whatever. During his administration, party lines became more distinct between the Whigs on the one side, advocating high tariff, internal improvements, and a national bank, and the Democrats on the other opposed to such measures. It was also at this time that the so-called "spoils system" was agitated, Mr. Adams taking a position similar to the practice of civil service afterward adopted, but Jackson claiming that "to the victors belong the spoils." During President Adams's administration General Lafayette was the nation's guest; he reached New York the middle of August, 1824, made a tour of the states which was virtually a continuous triumphant ovation, and spent the last weeks of his stay at the White House in Washington, where he celebrated his sixty-eighth birthday, Sept. 6, 1825. He visited Jefferson, Madison and Monroe at their homes in Virginia, and took leave of President Adams and the country on the 7th of September. The parting between the president and his guest was touching. He embraced Mr. Adams twice and shed tears. The eloquent address of Mr. Adams and the admirable reply of Lafayette on this occasion are preserved. At the close of his administration, failing of re-election, Mr. Adams returned to his home at Quincy. His residence there was not long, however, as he was elected to congress by the anti-Mason party in 1831, and served as a national representative for about sixteen years. During this long term of service he was never deterred by threats or by the large majority against him. He stood on principle and contended for the right, and nothing could make him swerve from any course which his conscience approved. On taking his seat in Congress his first act was to present a memorial of the "Friends" in Philadelphia concerning the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia. In 1835 he upheld Jackson in demanding from France the payment of $5,000,000 agreed upon for injury done our commerce in the Napoleonic war. This course was not approved by Massachusetts and cost him a seat in the United States senate. This did not move his great soul, but confirmed his independence in adhering to what he deemed to be right. He was especially vigorous in defence of the right of petition, and it was with reference to it that the infamous "gag law" was passed in 1836, which provided that "all petitions, memorials, resolutions or papers relating in any way or to any extent whatsoever to the subject of slavery, or the abolition of slavery, shall, without being either printed or referred, be laid upon the table, and that no further action whatever shall be had thereon." Mr. Adams not only voted against this rule but added a vehement protest, saying: "I hold the resolution to be a direct violation of the Constitution of the United States, the rules of this house, and the rights of my constituents." Not only at this time but at every subsequent session of the house, Mr. Adams was outspoken against it, and at last had the satisfaction of having it revoked in 1845. He did not hesitate to express his detestation of slavery, and whenever any opening offered he uttered no uncertain words against it. With an anticipation of the future, which was well-nigh prophetic, he uttered words which became very significant in view of the Emancipation act of 1863. Without any mental reservation or secret evasion of mind, he said in 1836 to the representatives of the slave-holding states, and their northern pro-slavery friends: "From the instant that your slave-holding states become the theatre of war — civil, servile, or foreign — from that instant the war powers of the constitution extend to interference with the institution of slavery in every way in which it can be interfered with."

A conspicuous instance of his ability to meet an unexpected crisis was given at the opening of the 26th Congress in December, 1839. There was a double delegation from New Jersey, and this was made use of as a stumbling block in the organisation of the house. When the house assembles for the first time in new session, having no officer, the clerk of the preceding congress calls the members to order, reads the roll, and serves until a speaker is chosen. On calling the roll when the clerk came to New Jersey, he refused to proceed. Motions were made, debate followed, but no organization could be effected. "Towards the close of the fourth day," says Edward Everett, "Mr. Adams rose, and expectation waited on his words. Having by a powerful appeal brought the yet unorganized assembly to a perception of its hazardous position, he submitted a motion requiring the acting clerk to proceed in calling the roll. This and similar motions had already been made by other members; the difficulty was, that the acting clerk declined to entertain them. Accordingly, Mr. Adams was immediately interrupted by a burst of voices demanding — "How shall the question be put?" "Who will put the question?" The voice of Mr. Adams was heard above the turmoil, "I intend to put the question myself!" That word brought order out of chaos. There was the master-mind. A distinguished member from South Carolina (Mr. Rhett) moved that Mr. Adams himself should act as chairman of the body till the house was organized; and suiting the action to the word, himself put the motion to the house. It prevailed unanimously, and Mr. Adams was conducted to the chair amidst the irrepressible acclamations of the spectators. Well did Mr. Wise of Virginia say: "Sir, I regard it as the proudest hour of your life; and if, when you shall be gathered to your fathers I were to select the words which, in my judgment, are best calculated to give at once the character of the man. I would inscribe upon your tomb this sentence — 'I will put the question myself.'"

In 1841, at the age of seventy-four, he appeared at the bar of the supreme court of the United States to plead the cause of Cinque and thirty other Africans who had been enslaved, sold in Cuba, and who slew the master of the "Amistad," which was deporting them to their owners' plantations, drifted into United States waters, and were claimed by the Spanish authorities. The "old man eloquent" made such a convincing plea for them that the captives were set at liberty, and were afterwards conveyed to their native shores through the contributions of generous philanthropists.

Mr. Adams was stricken with paralysis in November, 1846, and was confined to the house for four months. He recognized the fact that he had been sealed by the hand of death, and his letters and papers after this time were referred to by him as "posthumous." Recovering slightly, he resumed his attendance upon the sessions of the house, and on Feb. 21, 1848, while in his seat, experienced a second and fatal attack. He was removed from the representative hall to the speaker's room and lingered in an unconscious condition till the 23d, when just before his death, he revived and said, "This is the last of earth;" and after a pause added, — "I am content."

Many of his letters, public papers, lectures, speeches, and eulogies have been published. Among them his "Letters on Silesia" (1800-1804); "Letter to Harrison Gray Otis on the Present State of our National Affairs" (1808); "Review of the Works of Fisher Ames" (1809); "Lectures on Rhetoric and Oratory" (1810); "Letters to his son on the Bible" (1848-1849); "Reports on Weights and Measures" (1821); "Letter to the Virginians in Answer to Slanders of General Alexander Smythe" (1823); "Eulogy on the Life and Character of James Monroe" (1831); "Dermott MacMorrogh, or the Conquest of Ireland" (1832); "Letters to Edward Livingston (against "Free-Masonry" (1833); "Letters to William L. Stone and B. Cowell on Masonry and Anti-Masonry," "Oration on the Life and Character of Gilbert Motier de Lafayette" (1835); "Eulogy on the Life and Character of James Madison" (1836); "Jubilee of the Constitution" (1839); and "Letters on the Masonic Institution" (1847). He was an overseer of Harvard, 1830-'48, received the degree LL.D. from Princeton in 1806, and from Harvard in 1822; was president of the America Academy of Arts and Sciences, and a member of the Massachusetts Historical and of the American Philosophical societies. He received forty-eight votes for a place in the Hall of Fame, New York university, in October, 1900. He died in Washington, D.C., Feb. 21, 1848.