The Czechoslovak Review/Volume 4/Number 3/Masaryk's Economic and Sociological Writings
Masaryk’s Economic and Sociological Writings
By Dr. B. ODSTRČIL.
As a thinker with universal scientific interests, as a sociologist approaching his subject upon a broadly concrete and empirical basis, as a student of ethics endeavoring to bring about the application of justice and neighborly love to our daily life, and as a practical politician with a world-wide outlook and a personal knowledge of many foreign countries, President Masaryk was naturally soon led to the study of economic and social questions. Moreover, with his unusually well-developed capacity for dealing with every new problem that arises, and in particular with urgent questions affecting society at large, it was inevitable that he should devote himself to the far-reaching questions which are presented by economic and social affairs.
The preliminary investigations involved by his first work, in which he discussed suicide as a recurring feature of modern civilization, induced Masaryk to a careful consideration of the influence exerted by economic and social conditions upon the frequency of suicide in modern times, for he discovered from statistics that about, 20 to 30 per cent of cases of suicide were the result of dissatisfaction through money matters. This fact alone was an eloquent indication that something was profoundly amiss with the economic and social mechanism of modern society. But Masaryk was not content with drawing attention to this fact and analysing it into its component parts; he endeavored to penetrate to the root of the evil itself, which he discloses to us in the following words:―“Our epoch has unquestionably become materialistic and self indulgent; ideal aspirations, unselfishness and moderation have grown rare. Such an epoch as this in which material things play so prominent a part, cannot achieve happiness, and sooner or later must become barren and corrupt. And so as a result of present day economic conditions universal discontent will inevitably be developed, which in many cases will be intensified to a complete distaste for existence. The whole social question resolves itself into the question, whether we wish to be really moral and rational. Neither rich nor poor, neither employers nor workmen are alone responsible for the present day situation; we are all responsible for it, and we must all suffer and repent for our guilt in common.
For all that, although Masaryk denounces the spirit of contemporary society which is intoxicated with materialism and self-indulgence, and although he unflinchingly reveals the great defects in the economic and social structure of modern civilization, yet he does not give vent to any prejudice by rejecting the whole of the modern economic system and by advocating in the manner of Tolstoy a return to primitive economics, but he demands a moral regeneration and radical reforms which must be struggled for to attain reasonable economic standards.
Masaryk is a decided opponent of listless acquiescence; on the contrary he is always advocating labor, enterprise and resourcefulness. He is fond of drawing attention to economic progress and development in other countries and of indicating the general tendencies of economic movements throughout the world. On more than one occasion he has particularly emphasised the great importance of modern means of communication, which render possible, to a degree hitherto unforeseen, the exchange of ideas, persons and things. This is a factor which exerts a thoroughly radical influence upon our modern economic life. It was many years ago that Palacký, the eminent Czech historian, pointed out that through the marvelous power of steam and electricity, world relationships were acquiring a new standard, and that a centralisation, as it were, of the whole globe was being developed. Masaryk refers to these ideas of Palacký with emphatic approval, corroborating and amplifying them by fresh evidence. And it is from this universal standpoint, too, that he deals with racial problems, especially with the struggle between the Czechs and the Germans. In discussing this particular question he always had in mind the difficulties arising from the inland situation of Bohemia. It was therefore Masaryk’s endeavor in establishing and developing the Czechoslovak State, to counteract this drawback as much as possible by means of an appropriate adjustment of the frontiers and by alliances and agreements with neighboring states, in order that the Czechs might enjoy the benefits of the main communication routes. But not only in the international markets, at home as well must industry and commerce, business and agriculture be dominated by the endeavor to establish the reputation of their produce and their efficiency in dealing. Sharp practice, fraud, cheating, extortion and usury of former days must be eliminated from economic activities and replaced by reliability, honesty, efficiency, readiness and enthusiasm.
In Masaryk’s opinion, the object of economic endeavors should not be the acquisition of wealth, especially of wealth at any price. There must of course be an effort to attain prosperity, but only with the object of being able to develop and thrive in a spiritual direction and of having a firm basis for the political existence and aims of the people. In other words, Masaryk desires economic life to be also actuated by the moral principles of truth, justice and humaneness. He is, of course, well aware that the leanings of mankind towards greed, covetousness and rapacity to the detriment of others are very strong; he therefore demands that the State should use its authority to keep economic activities well under control, and in particular he is convinced of the need for the State to take economic charge of those who are weak or in danger of being submerged.
Hence Masaryk has always been in favor of protective legislation in the interests of labor, especially in the direction of effectively reducing and standardising the working day, further, of a well ordered and completely developed system of social insurance, of building reform and of social hygiene in the widest sense of the word. On the other hand he has declared against the supremacy of the State as well as against State collectivism, since he has no desire to restrain and suppress enterprise on the part of individuals or numerically small organizations. On the contrary he has emphasized the significance of personal initiative and self-government in economic matters. He has also come out most emphatically in favor of buying up landed property, especially the large estates, and of distributing them to small holders. But Masaryk has consistently opposed communism both in intellectual and economic affairs.
Although he attaches such importance to fundamental and radical reforms, yet on the other hand Masaryk has no desire to bring about hasty and ill-considered changes. What he aims at is organic de![]()
View of Hradčany, President Masaryk’s Residence. velopment, as he himself expressed it in his first presidential message,—an organic development directed by a genuine effort at progress. Thus he is not satisfied merely with big isolated improvements; he is more concerned with achieving continuous endeavor and unrelaxing attention to details, in order that everything which is undertaken and accomplished may continuously become more effective and of better quality. Even every day life with all its trifling duties and requirements is to be animated by and devoted to some higher object. In this connection much can be achieved by education in the true sense of the word. Masaryk therefore strongly emphasizes the importance of the proper organization and equipment of schools and other educational establishments both in economic and social affairs, and he draws attention to the great significance of science in economic progress.
It is obvious then, that Masaryk is in favor of a process of evolution, of a gradual transition in economic and social matters. He admits revolution only very exceptionally as a last resource. But he points out that economic and social revolution can be successfully and permanently obviated only if society as a whole is animated by the spirit of true justice and humanity. He is therefore emphatically opposed to exploitation and class-rule, a fact which he repeated in his latest presidential message. In the course of a speech delivered in 1907 he said: “I recognize the existence of an economic diversity of classes, but I do not advocate implacable war between them; it is rather my desire to work for the organization of their joint labors so as to bring about prosperity for the nation and mankind as a whole.”
From what has been said, it is clear that Masaryk does not recognize economic materialism, as in fact, he rejects materialism in any form. Neither does he advocate class-war, nor absolute economic equality, but he aims at applying the principles of co-operation on a large scale to all activities of an economic and social character. During his career he has frequently had occasion to adopt a critical and polemical attitude, in particular towards the lack of understanding of the social question and of socialism in general. One of the most valuable services which he rendered to his country was to bring about an ever increasing development of sound views there concerning these matters. He had the courage to champion the cause of every reasonable demand on the part of labor, even in the face of considerable prejudice. And by his actions he has always shown how his principles are to be practicably and consistently carried out.
Masaryk’s critical attitude was indeed,—although many did not realize this,—only a means to achieving a positive activity. The final aim of all his endeavor has been to create a higher and nobler type of humanity among his fellow countrymen, a type of humanity genuinely conscientious and with complete spiritual and bodily harmony. For this constitutes his idea of what humanity should be. And a further consequence of this idea is that the nation as a whole should be an organism of the most perfect structure and of the finest development—a true nation of brothers. This is the object towards which economic and social organization and labor should be directed.
This work was published before January 1, 1931, and is in the public domain worldwide because the author died at least 100 years ago.
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