The Works of the Rev. Jonathan Swift/Volume 5/The Presbyterians Plea of Merit
THE
PRESBYTERIANS
PLEA OF MERIT
IN ORDER TO TAKE OFF
IMPARTIALLY EXAMINED[1].
WRITTEN IN THE YEAR 1731.
WE have been told, in the common newspapers, that all attempts are to be made this session by the presbyterians, and their abettors, for taking off the test; as a kind of preparatory step to make it go down smoother in England. For, if once their light would so shine, the papists, delighted with the blaze, would all come in and dance about it. This I take to be a prudent method; like that of a discreet physician, who first gives a new medicine to a dog, before he prescribes it to a human creature.
The presbyterians have, ever since the Revolution, directed their learned casuists to employ their pens on this subject, by showing their merits and pretensions, upon which they claim this justice, as founded upon the services they did toward the restoration of king Charles the second, and at the Revolution under the prince of Orange. Which pleas I take to be the most singular in their kind, that ever were offered in the face of the sun, against the most glaring lights of truth, and against a continuation of publick facts, known to all Europe, for twenty years together. I shall therefore impartially examine the merits and conduct of the presbyterians, upon those two great events; and the pretensions to favour, which they challenge upon them.
Soon after the reformation of the church in England, under Edward the sixth, upon queen Mary's succeeding to the crown (who restored popery) many protestants fled out of England, to escape the persecution raised against the church, as her brother had left it established. Some of these exiles went to Geneva; which city had received the doctrine of Calvin, and rejected the government of bishops; with many other refinements. These English exiles readily embraced the Geneva system; and having added farther improvements of their own, upon queen Mary's death returned to England; where they preached up their own opinions, inveighing bitterly against episcopacy, and all rites and ceremonies, however innocent and ancient in the church; building upon this foundation, to run as far as possible from popery, even in the most minute and indifferent circumstances. This faction, under the name of puritan, became very turbulent during the whole reign of queen Elizabeth, and were always discouraged by that wise queen, as well as by her two successors. However, their numbers, as well as their insolence and perverseness, so far increased, that soon after the death of king James the first, many instances of their petulancy and scurrility are to be seen in their pamphlets, written for some years after (which was a trade they began in the days of queen Elizabeth) particularly with great rancour against the bishops, the habits, and the ceremonies: such were those scurrilous libels under the title of Martin Mar-prelate, and several others. And although the earl of Clarendon tells us, until the year 1640 (as I remember) the kingdom was in a state of perfect peace and happiness, without the least appearance of thought or design toward making any alterations in religion or government; yet I have found, by often rummaging for old books in Little Britain and Duck lane, a great number of pamphlets printed from the year l630 to 1640, full of as bold and impious railing expressions against the lawful power of the crown, and the order of bishops, as ever were uttered during the rebellion, or the whole subsequent tyranny of that fanatick anarchy. However, I find it manifest that puritanism did not erect itself into a new separate species of religion, till some time after the rebellion began. For, in the latter times of king James the first, and the former part of his son, there were several puritan bishops, and many puritan private clergymen; while people went, as their inclinations led them, to hear preachers of each party in the parish churches; for the puritan clergy had received episcopal orders, as well as the rest. But soon after the rebellion broke out, the term puritan gradually dropped, and that of presbyterian succeeded; which sect was in two or three years established in all its forms, by what they called an ordinance of the lords and commons, without consulting the king, who was then at war against his rebels. And from this period, the church continued under persecution, until monarchy was restored in the year 1660.
In a year or two after we began to hear of a new party risen, and growing in the parliament as well as the army, under the name of independent: it spread indeed somewhat more in the latter, but not equal with the presbyterians, either in weight or number, until the very time the king was murdered.
When the king, who was then a prisoner in the isle of Wight, had made his last concessions for a peace to the commissioners of the parliament, who attended him there; upon their return to London they reported his majesty's answer in the house. Whereupon a number of moderate members, who, as Ludlow says, had secured their own terms with that prince, managed with so much art, as to obtain a majority in a thin house for passing a vote, that the king's concessions were a ground for a future settlement. But the great officers of the army, joining with the discontented members, came to a resolution of excluding all those who had consented to that vote; which they executed in a military way. Ireton told Fairfax the general, a rigid presbyterian, of this resolution; who thereupon issued his orders for drawing out the army the next mornning, and placing guards in Westminster hall, the court of requests, and the lobby; who, in obedience to the general, in conjunction with those members who had opposed the vote, would let no member enter the house, except those of their own party. Upon which, the question for bringing the king to justice was immediately put, and carried without opposition that I can find. Then an order was made for his trial; the time and place appointed; the judges named, of whom Fairfax himself was one; although, by the advice or threats of his wife, he declined sitting among them. However, by fresh orders under his own hand, which I have seen in print, he appointed guards to attend the judges at the trial, and to keep the city in quiet; as he did likewise to prevent any opposition from the people, upon the day of execution.
From what I have already deduced, it appears manifest, that the differences between these two sects, presbyterian and independent, did not then amount to half so much, as what there is between a whig and tory at present among us. The design of utterly extirpating monarchy and episcopacy, was equally the same in both; evidently the consequence of the very same principles, upon which the presbyterians alone began, continued, and would have ended in the same events; if, toward the conclusion, they had not been bearded by that new party, with whom they could not agree about dividing the spoil. However, they held a good share of civil and military employments daring the whole time of the usurpation; and their names, actions, and preferments, are frequent in the accounts of those times. For I make no doubt, that all the prudent presbyterians complied in proper seasons, falling in with the stream; and thereby got that share in employments, which many of them held to the restoration; and perhaps too many of them after. In the same manner, we find our wisest tories in both kingdoms, upon the change of hands and measures at the queen's death, have endeavoured for several years, by due compliances, to recover the time they had lost by a temporary obstinacy; wherein they have well succeeded, according to their degrees of merit; of whose names I could here make honourable mention, if I did not fear it might offend their modesty. As to what is alleged, that some of the presbyterians declared openly against the king's murder, I allow it to be true. But from what motives? No other can possibly be assigned than perfect spite, rage, and envy, to find themselves wormed out of all power, by a new infant spawn of independents, sprung from their own bowels. It is true, the differences in religious tenets between them, are very few and trifling; the chief quarrel, as far as I remember, relating to congregational and national assemblies. But wherever interest or power thinks fit to interfere, it little imports what principles the opposite parties think fit to charge upon each other: for we see at this day, that the tories are more hated by the whole set of zealous whigs, than the very papists themselves; and in effect as much unqualified for the smallest office: although both these parties assert themselves to be of the same religion, in all its branches of doctrine and discipline; and profess the same loyalty, to the same protestant king, and his heirs.
If the reader would know what became of this independent party, upon whom all the mischief is charged by their presbyterian brethren, he may please to observe, that during the whole usurpation, they contended by degrees with their parent sect, and as I have already said, shared in employments, and gradually, after the restoration, mingled with the mass of presbyterians; lying ever since undistinguished in the herd of dissenters.
The presbyterian merit is of as little weight, when they allege themselves instrumental toward the king's restoration. The kingdom grew tired with those ridiculous models of government: first, by a house of lords and commons without a king; then, without bishops; afterward, by a rump[2] and lords temporal; then, by a rump alone; next, by a single person for life, in conjunction with a council; by agitators; by major-generals; by a new kind of representatives from the three kingdoms; by the keepers of the liberties of England; with other schemes that have slipped out of my memory. Cromwell was dead; his son Richard, a weak ignorant wretch, who gave up his monarchy much in the same manner with the two usurping kings of Brentford[3]; the people harassed with taxes, and other oppressions. The king's party, then called the cavaliers, began to recover their spirits. The few nobility scattered through the kingdom, who lived in a most retired manner, observing the confusion of things, could no longer endure to be ridden by bakers, coblers, brewers, and the like, at the head of armies, and plundering every where like French dragoons. The rump assembly grew despicable to those who had raised them: the city of London, exhausted by almost twenty years contributing to their own ruin, declared against them. The rump, after many deaths and resurrections, was, in the most contemptuous manner, kicked out, and burnt in effigy. The excluded members were let in; a free parliament called, in as legal a manner as the times would allow; and the king restored.
The second claim of presbyterian merit, is founded upon their services against the dangerous designs of king James the second, while that prince was using all his endeavours to introduce popery, which he openly professed upon his coming to the crown: to this, they add their eminent services at the revolution, under the prince of Orange.
Now the quantum of presbyterian merit during the four years reign of that weak, bigotted, and ill-advised prince, as well as at the time of the revolution, will easily he computed, by a recourse to a great number of histories, pamphlets, and publick papers, printed in those times, and some afterward; beside the verbal testimonies of many persons yet alive, who are old enough to have known and observed the dissenters conduct in that critical period.
It is agreed, that upon king Charles the second's death, soon after his successor had publickly owned himself a Roman catholick, he began with his first caresses to the church party; from whom having received very cold discouraging answers, he applied to the presbyterian leaders and teachers; being advised by his priests and popish courtiers, that the safest method toward introducing his own religion, would be, by taking off the sacramental test, and giving a full liberty of conscience to all religions, I suppose that professed christianity. It seems that the presbyterians in the latter years of king Charles the second, upon account of certain plots (allowed by bishop Burnet to be genuine) had been for a short time forbidden to hold their conventicles. Whereupon these charitable christians, out of perfect resentment against the church, received the gracious offers of king James with the strongest professions of loyalty, and highest acknowledgments for his favour. I have seen several of their addresses, full of thanks and praises, with bitter insinuations of what they had suffered; putting themselves and the papists upon the same foot, as fellow-sufferers for conscience; and with the style of our brethren the Roman catholicks. About this time began the project of closetting, which has since been practised many times with more art and success, where the principal gentlemen of the kingdom were privately catechised by his majesty, to know, whether if a new parliament were called, they would agree to pass an act for repealing the sacramental test, and establishing a general liberty of conscience. But he received so little encouragement, that despairing of success, he had recourse to his dispensing power, which the judges had determined to be part of his prerogative. By colour of this determination, he preferred several presbyterians, and many papists, to civil and military employments. While the king was thus busied, it is well known that monsieur Fagel, the Dutch envoy in London, delivered the opinion of the prince and princess of Orange concerning the repeal of the test: whereof the king had sent an account to their highnesses, to know how far they approved of it. The substance of their answer, as reported by Fagel, was this, "That their highnesses thought very well of a liberty of conscience; but by no means of giving employments to any other persons, than those who were of the national church." This opinion was confirmed by several reasons: I cannot be more particular, not having the paper by me, although it has been printed in many accounts of those times. And thus much every moderate churchman would perhaps submit to: but to trust any part of the civil power in the hands of those, whose interest, inclination, conscience, and former practices, have been wholly turned to introduce a different system of religion and government, has very few examples in any christian state; nor any at all in Holland, the great patroness of universal toleration.
Upon the first intelligence king James received of an intended invasion by the prince of Orange, among great numbers of papists, to increase his troops, he gave commissions to several presbyterians; some of whom had been officers under the rump; and particularly he placed one Richards, a noted presbyterian, at the head of a regiment, who had been governor of Wexford in Cromwell's time, and is often mentioned by Ludlow in his Memoirs. This regiment was raised in England against the prince of Orange: the colonel made his son a captain, whom I knew, and who was as zealous a presbyterian as his father. However, at the time of the prince's landing, the father easily foreseeing how things would go, went over, like many others, to the prince, who continued him in his regiment; but coming over a year or two after to assist in raising the siege of Derry, he behaved himself so like either a coward or a traitor, that his regiment was taken from him.
I will now consider the conduct of the church party, during the whole reign of that unfortunate king. They were so unanimous against promising to pass an act for repealing the test, and establishing a general liberty of conscience, that the king durst not trust a parliament; but, encouraged by the professions of loyalty given him by his presbyterian friends, went on with his dispensing power.
The church clergy, at that time, are allowed to have written the best collection of tracts against popery, that ever appeared in England; which are to this day in the highest esteem. But, upon the strictest inquiry, I could never hear of above one or two papers published by the presbyterians at that time upon the same subject. Seven great prelates (he of Canterbury among the rest) were sent to the Tower for presenting a petition, wherein they desired to be excused in not obeying an illegal command from the king. The bishop of London, Dr. Compton, was summoned to answer before the commissioners for ecclesiastical affairs; for not suspending Dr. Sharp (afterward archbishop of York) by the king's command. If the presbyterians expressed the same zeal upon any occasion, the instances of it are not, as I can find, left upon record, or transmitted by tradition. The proceedings against Magdalen college in Oxford, for refusing to comply with the king's mandate for admitting a professed papist upon their foundation, are a standing proof of the courage and firmness in religion shown by that learned society, to the ruin of their fortunes. The presbyterians know very well, that I could produce many more instances of the same kind. But these are enough in so short a paper as I intend at present.
It is indeed very true, that after king William was settled on the English throne, the presbyterians began to appear, and offer their credentials, and demand favour: and the new king, having been originally bred a calvinist, was desirous enough to make them easy (if that would do it) by a legal toleration; although in his heart he never bore much affection to that sect; nor designed to favour them farther than as it stood with the present scheme of politicks; as I have long since been assured by the greatest men of whig principles at that time in England.
It is likewise true, nor will it be denied, that when the king was possessed of the English crown, and the remainder of the quarrel was left to be decided in this kingdom; the presbyterians wisely chose to join with the protestant army, rather than with that of king James their old friend, whose affairs were then in a manner desperate. They were wise enough to know, that this kingdom divided against itself, could never prevail against the united power of England. They fought pro aris & focis; for their estates and religion; which latter will never suffer so much by the church of England, as by that of Rome, where they are counted hereticks as well as we: and consequently they have no other game to play. But what merit they can build upon having joined with a protestant army, under a king they acknowledged, to defend their own liberties and properties against a popish enemy, under an abdicated king, is, I confess, to me absolutely inconceivable; and I believe will equally be so for ever to any reasonable man.
When these sectaries were several years ago making the same attempt for abolishing the test, many groundless reports were industriously and seasonably spread, of an invasion threatened by the pretender on the north of Ireland. At which time, the presbyterians, in their pamphlets, argued in a menacing manner, that if the pretender should invade those parts of the kingdom, where the numbers and estates of dissenters chiefly lay, they would sit still, and let us fight our own battles; since they were to reap no advantage, whichever side should be victors. If this were the course they intended to take in such a case, I desire to know, how they could contrive safely to stand neuters, otherwise than by a compact with the pretender and his army, to support their neutrality, and protect them against the forces of the crown? This is a necessary supposition; because they must otherwise have inevitably been a prey to both. However, by this frank declaration, they sufficiently showed their good will, and confirmed the common charge laid at their door; that a Scottish or northern presbyterian, hates our episcopal established church, more than popery itself. And the reason for this hatred is natural enough; because it is the church alone that stands in the way between them and power, which popery does not.
Upon this occasion, I am in some doubt whether the political spreaders of those chimerical invasions, made a judicious choice, in fixing the northern parts of Ireland for that romantick enterprise. Nor can I well understand the wisdom of the presbyterians, in countenancing and confirming those reports; because it seems to cast a most infamous reflection upon the loyalty and religious principles of their whole body: for, if there had been any truth in the matter, the consequence must have been allowed, that the pretender counted upon more assistance from his father's friends the presbyterians, by choosing to land in those very parts where their number, wealth, and power most prevailed, rather than among those of his own religion. And therefore, in charity to this sect, I rather incline to believe, that those reports of an invasion were formed and spread by the race of small politicians, in order to do a seasonable job.
As to popery in general, which for a thousand years past has been introducing and multiplying corruptions both in doctrine and discipline; I look upon it to be the most absurd system of Christianity, professed by any nation. But I cannot apprehend this kingdom to be in much danger from it. The estates of papists are very few; crumbling into small parcels and daily diminishing; their common people are sunk in poverty, ignorance, and cowardice; and of as little consequence as women and children. Their nobility and gentry are at least one half ruined, banished or converted: they all soundly feel the smart of what they suffered in the last Irish war: some of them are already retired into foreign countries; others, as I am told, intend to follow them; and the rest, I believe, to a man, who still posssess any lands, are absolutely determined never to hazard them again, for the sake of establishing their superstition. If it has been thought fit, as some observe, to abate of the law's rigour against popery in this kingdom, I am confident it was done for very wise reasons, considering the situation of affairs abroad at different times, and the interest of the protestant religion in general. And as I do not find the least fault in this proceeding, so I do not conceive, why a sunk discarded party, who neither expect nor desire any thing more than a quiet life, should, under the names of highflyers, jacobites, and many other vile appellations, be charged so often in print, and at common tables, with endeavouring to introduce popery and the pretender; while the papists abhor them above all other men, on account of severities against their priests in her late majesty's reign, when the now disbanded reprobate party was in power. This I was convinced of some years ago by a long journey into the southern parts; where I had the curiosity to send for many priests of the parishes I passed through, and to my great satisfaction found them every where abounding in professions of loyalty to the late king George; for which they gave me the reasons abovementioned; at the same time complaining bitterly of the hardships they suffered under the queen's last ministry.
I return from this digression to the modest demands of the presbyterians for a repeal of the sacramental test, as a reward for their merits at the restoration and the revolution; which merits I have fairly represented, as well as my memory would allow me. If I have committed any mistakes, they must be of little moment. The facts and principal circumstances are what I have obtained and digested from reading the histories of those times written by each party; and many thousands have done the same as well as I, who I am sure have in their minds drawn the same conclusions.
This is the faction, and these the men, who are now resuming their applications, and giving in their bills of merit to both kingdoms, upon two points, which, of all others, they have the least pretensions to offer. I have collected the facts, with all possible impartiality, from the current histories of those times; and have shown, although very briefly, the gradual proceedings of those sectaries, under the denominations of puritans, presbyterians and independents, for about the space of a hundred and eighty years, from the beginning of queen Elizabeth to this present time. But, notwithstanding all that can be said, these very schismaticks (for such they are in temporals as well as spirituals) are now again expecting, soliciting and demanding (not without insinuated threats, according to their custom) that the parliament should fix them upon an equal foot with the church established. I would fain know to what branch of the legislature they can have the forehead to apply. Not to my lords the bishops; who must have often read how the predecessors of this very faction, acting upon the same principles, drove the whole bench out of the house, who were then, and hitherto continue, one of the three estates: not to the temporal peers, the second of the three estates, who must have heard, that immediately after those rebellious fanaticks had murdered their king, they voted a house of lords to be useless and dangerous, and would let them sit no longer, otherwise than when elected as commoners: not to the house of commons; who must have heard, that in those fanatick times, the presbyterian and independent commanders in the army, by military power expelled all the moderate men out of the house, and left a rump to govern the nation: lastly, not to the crown; which those very saints, destined to rule the earth, trampled under their feet, and then in cold blood murdered the blessed wearer.
But the session now approaching, and a clan of dissenting teachers being come up to town from their northern head quarters, accompanied by many of their elders and agents, and supported by a general contribution to solicit their establishment, with a capacity of holding all military, as well as civil employments, I think it high time that this paper should see the light. However, I cannot conclude without freely confessing, that if the presbyterians should obtain their ends, I could not be sorry to find them mistaken in the point which they have most at heart, by the repeal of the test, I mean the benefit of employments. For, after all, what assurance can a Scottish northern dissenter born on Irish ground have, that he shall be treated with as much favour as a true Scot born beyond the Tweed?
I am ready enough to believe, that all I have said will avail but little, I have the common excuse of other men, when I think myself bound by all religious and civil ties to discharge my conscience, and to warn my countrymen upon this important occasion. It is true, the advocates for this scheme promise a new world after this blessed work shall be completed: that all animosity and faction must immediately drop; that the only distinction in this kingdom will then be of papist and protestant: for, as to whig and tory, high church and low church, jacobite and Hanoverian, court and country party, English and Irish interests, dissenters and conformists, new light and old light, anabaptist and independent, quaker and muggletonian; they will all meet and jumble together into a perfect harmony, at the sessions and assises, on the bench and in the revenues; and upon the whole, in all civil and military trusts, not excepting the great councils of the nation. For it is wisely argued thus: that a kingdom being no more than a larger knot of friends met together, it is against the rules of good manners to shut any person out of the company, except the papists, who profess themselves of another club.
I am at a loss to know, what arts the presbyterian sect intends to use, in convincing the world of their loyalty to kingly government, which (long before the prevalence, or even the birth of their independent rivals) as soon as the king's forces were overcome, declared their principles to be against monarchy, as well as episcopacy and the house of lords, even until the king was restored: at which event, although they were forced to submit to the present power, yet I have not heard that they ever, to this day, renounce any one principle, by which their predecessors then acted: yet this they have been challenged to do, or at least to show that others have done it for them, by a certain doctor[4], who, as I am told, has much employed his pen in the like disputes. I own, they will be ready enough to insinuate themselves into any government: but if they mean to be honest and upright, they will and must endeavour, by all means which they shall think lawful, to introduce and establish their own scheme of religion, as nearest approaching to the word of God, by casting out all superstitious ceremonies, ecclesiastical titles, habits, distinctions, and superiorities, as rags of popery, in order to a thorough reformation; and as in charity bound to promote the salvation of their countrymen, wishing with St. Paul, that the whole kingdom were as they are. But what assurance will they please to give, that when their sect shall become the national established worship, they will treat Us Dissenters as we have treated them? Was this their course of proceeding during the dominion of the saints? Were not all the remainders of the episcopal church in those days, especially the clergy, under a persecution, for above a dozen years, equal to that of the primitive Christians under heathen emperors? That this proceeding was suitable to their principles, is known enough; for many of their preachers then writ books against allowing any liberty of conscience in a religion different from their own; producing many arguments to prove that opinion, and among the rest one frequently insisted on; that allowing such a liberty would be to establish iniquity by a law[5]. Many of these writings are yet to be seen; and I hear have been quoted by the doctor abovementioned.
As to their great objection of prostituting that holy institution, the blessed sacrament, by way of a test before admittance into any employment; I ask, whether they would not be content to receive it after their own manner for the office of a judge, for that of a commissioner in the revenue, for a regiment of horse, or to be a lord justice? I believe they would scruple it as little, as a long grace before and after dinner, which they can say without bending a knee; for, as I have been told, their manner of taking bread and wine in their conventicles, is performed with little more solemnity than at their common meals. And therefore, since they look upon our practice in receiving the elements to be idolatrous, they neither can, nor ought in consience to allow us that liberty, otherwise than by connivance, and a bare toleration, like what is permitted to the papists. But lest we should offend them, I am ready to change this test for another; although I am afraid, that sanctified reason is by no means the point where the difficulty pinches, and is only offered by pretended churchmen; as if they could be content with our believing, that the impiety and profanation of making the sacrament a test, were the only objection. I therefore propose, that before the present law be repealed, another may be enacted; that no man shall receive any employment, before he swears himself to be a true member of the church of Ireland, in doctrine and discipline, &c. and that he will never frequent or communicate with any other form of worship. It shall likewise be farther enacted, that whoever offends, &c. shall be fined five hundred pounds, imprisoned for a year and a day, and rendered incapable of all publick trust for ever. Otherwise I do insist, that those pious, indulgent, external professors of our national religion, shall either give up that fallacious hypocritical reason for taking off the test; or freely confess that they desire to have a gate wide open for every sect, without any test at all, except that of swearing loyalty to the king: which however, considering their principles with regard to monarchy yet unrenounced, might, if they would please to look deep enough into their own hearts, prove a more bitter test, than any other that the law has yet invented.
For, from the first time that these sectaries appeared in the world, it has been always found, by their whole proceedings, that they professed an utter hatred to kingly government. I can recollect at present three civil establishments, where calvinists, and some other reformers who rejected episcopacy, possess the supreme power; and these are all republicks; I mean Holland, Geneva, and the reformed Swiss cantons. I do not say this in diminution or disgrace to commonwealths; wherein I confess I have much altered many opinions under which I was educated, having been led by some observation, long experience, and a thorough detestation for the corruptions of mankind: insomuch that I am now justly liable to the censure of Hobbes, who complains, that the youth of England imbibe ill opinions from reading the histories of ancient Greece and Rome, those renowned scenes of liberty and every virtue.
But as to monarchs, who must be supposed well to study and understand their own interest; they will best consider, whether those people, who in all their actions, preachings, and writings, have openly declared themselves against regal power, are to be safely placed in an equal degree of favour and trusty with those, who have been always found the true and only friends to the English establishment. From which consideration, I could have added one more article to my new test, if I had thought it worth my time.
I have been assured by some persons who were present, that several of these dissenting teachers, upon their first arrival hither[6] to solicit the repeal of the test, were pleased to express their gratitude by publickly drinking the healths of certain eminent patrons, whom they pretend to have found among us. If this be true, and that the test must be delivered up by the very superiours appointed to defend it; the affair is already in effect at an end. What secret reasons those patrons may have given for such a return of brotherly love, I shall not inquire: "for O my soul, come not thou into their secret; unto their assembly, mine honour, be not thou united. For, in their anger they slew a man, and in their self-will they digged down a wall. Cursed be their anger, for it was fierce, and their wrath, for it was cruel. I will divide them in Jacob, and scatter them in Israel."
- ↑ The "Presbyterians Plea of Merit," the "Plea for repealing the Test in Favour of the Roman Catholicks," and the "Queries relating to the Sacramental Test," are looked upon to be the best tracts, that were published upon the Test. If the poisonous bait for the Church (The Proposal to take off the Test) was first offered in Ireland, it ought to be remembered, that the antidote came thence likewise.
- ↑ This name was given to that part of the house of commons, which remained after the moderate men had been expelled by military force.
- ↑ In the Rehearsal.
- ↑ The late Dr. Tisdal.
- ↑ See many hundred quotations to prove this, in the treatise called, "Scotch Presbyterian Eloquence."
- ↑ 'Arrival hither,' is not English; it should be 'arrival here.'