Diary of the times of Charles II/Volume 1/Diary of the Times of Charles the Second, by the Honourable Henry Sidney, June 1 to July 21. 1679

by Henry Sidney

DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE

 

OF THE

 

TIMES OF CHARLES THE SECOND.

 

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June 1st, 1679.The King told me that he intended to send me into Holland, and expressed a good deal of kindness to me, but told me withal that he could not have made choice of me, but that the Prince of Orange had sent him word he liked me very well. The same day, Lord Sunderland, Halifax, and I walked together, and talked much to the advantage of the Prince. Upon all occasions, the King expressed great kindness to the Prince.

2nd.The King consented to my buying Mr. Godolphin's plate^[1] with great kindness.

3rd.I waited upon Monsieur Van Beuninghen,^[2] but did not find him at home.

5th.I paid for the plate; after dinner I went to my Lord Chancellor;^[3] to talk to him first of my own business, which he approved of, then of the King's, which he thinks in an ill condition, and thinks Lord Shaftesbury the chief cause of it, who being joined with the Duke of Monmouth will obstruct all till they are at the top of all affairs: that they certainly did the King much harm the last sessions, making the members believe that he was for those things which every body knows he is utterly against (meaning the excluding the Duke from the succession). It was thought that they would do so again unless the King did make it appear by removing him that he had no such interest as he would endeavour to make people believe he had: that he might do better at this time than any, seeing that he was resolved to do all the popular things; and then he would have no pretence of complaining of the present actions. The Lord C. is more my Lord Danby's friend than any body; he got him to keep his staff ten days which cost the King £200,000. Afterwards I went with Sir William Temple to Mr. Van Beuninghen, who was gone the day before; we then went to Mr. Van Lewin, (a very good sort of man) who received us with great civility, and made me many compliments upon my going into Holland.

6th.I executed my office; afterwards Sir John Baber^[4] came to me, and complained of the Prince of Orange for being so unkind to the presbyterians, and told me there were ways of reconciling himself to them;^[5] he confessed they had behaved themselves ill in the last sessions, and lays all the fault on my Lord Shaftesbury. After dinner my Lord Sunderland and I went to Chelsey, and, coming home, we fell into the discourse of the Prince; and particularly that we thought it would be very good for him and every body else, for him to come over in October, and take his place at the council and in the House of Peers;^[6] and we thought it would be a great strengthening to our party.

When we came home, we found all the Scotch lords with the King; and we had a fancy that the Duke of Monmouth and Lauderdale are made up.

8th.I was declared at the Committee of intelligence^[7] to go Envoy into Holland: soon after they proposed to the King accepting of the guarantee, which he was inclined to approve of. Lord Sunderland does not doubt but that it will be done before the sitting of the parliament, and that they will confirm it: it will be good for the Prince to be here at that time. Every body approves of the choice the King had made of me.

9th.The news came of the rebellion in Scotland, which altered the whole face of affairs. The council met twice, and both times fell upon Lord Lauderdale: the King taking his part, to the wonder of every body. Resolution was taken to raise forces; though most were against it.^[8] The King's proceeding discontented Lord Halifax and Sir William Temple so much that they thought of quitting. Sir William Temple would, if it were not in consideration of the Prince.^[9]

10th.The King was persuaded to some reason which gave them satisfaction. Sir William spoke admirably. It was resolved that the Duke of Monmouth should go into Scotland, with an unlimited power. At night they went to him again to persuade him to make those lords that had been of his council so again; but he would not consent to it, nor to the calling a new parliament, which was also proposed to him.

11th.There was a council, but the King came late, and there was nothing done. In the evening, the Scotch lords were with him, to tell him what they had against my Lord Lauderdale, and they are now to give it in writing.^[10]

13th.There came letters out of Scotland, that make us believe matters are not so bad. The Duke of Hamilton told me he would be hanged if he had not suppressed it with two or three troops of horse; but he hath been kept under so long, and so ill used, that he begun to be out of heart, he having been put out of all employments, and never receiving a shilling of the King's money; whilst my Lord Lauderdale hath £12,000 from the King. The same day the priests were condemned,^[11] which the King was not well pleased with;^[12]' but, after he had had a little advice, he kept it pretty well to himself.^[13] The trial was the clearest thing ever was seen.

June 14th.Langhome and some other priests were also condemned.

15th.I dined with Mr. Harbord, and, falling into discourse of the affairs of the parliament and the succession, he said the only thing that could be done for the good of this nation was to declare and make the Prince of Orange protector, in case the succession fell into the hands of a Roman Catholic Prince; and he made a similitude that was good enough, of a man's leaving £6000 to his daughter, in case she married with his consent; if she married without it, and the father did not name some other to give it to, the Chancery would give it to her; but, if another were named, that would keep up the interest: he thinks the parliament easily governed with a little pains and care. Monsieur Barillon spoke to my Lord Sunderland and me about regulating the visits between the ambassadors and envoys: his care is that I might live well with the French ambassador. He is vexed at my going, for he fancies that I, having refused to go into France, would not go into Holland, but that I see we are falling into that alliance. The Duke of Monmouth began his journey into Scotland at three o'clock in the morning. He parted well with the King, though he had been ill pleased with him several times upon some pretensions that he had in his head, which he hath been put on by his wife.^[14]

16th.I had a good deal of discourse with my Lord Sunderland; he seems to be in good heart, and the Lords Essex and Halifax are so too; he continues still in the opinion that it will be of good consequence to have the Prince come over: he thinks the King will be for it, and the Duchess of Portsmouth, who is his friend, and the contrary to the Duke of Monmouth, that she will part with my Lord Lauderdale, persuade Lord Danby to run away and disband the army as soon as the Scotch business is over. Sir William Temple and I driving together that day, he desired me to persuade the Prince to coin some medals; on the one side he would have him on horseback commanding his troops, with these words, "Potius servire patriæ liberæ, quam imperare servienti;" the other side sitting in the midst of the States, with the words, "Per populos dat jura volentes." He advised me to stand upon the Unions: England within itself, Holland within itself, both of them together; he advised not to mistrust Holland in their trade, commerce, or anything else, for he was sure we should find a faithful alliance there, according to the desire of the Prince, his nephew. My Lady Sunderland desired me to do all the service I could to Sir Gabriel Sylvius and his Lady.^[15] 17th.Sir William Temple had discourse with the King about Lord Lauderdale, and convinced him it was necessary to part with him; the chief motive being that having established those arbitrary laws he was unable to execute them: that weighed much. Afterwards he proposed my Lord Danby getting away,^[16] as a thing necessary for his affairs. He seemed inclined to it, and I am to know how the Prince would receive him there.

19th.My Lord Sunderland told me how Monsieur Watt Master and Monsieur Du Cros did in all company endeavour to make the world believe that he (Lord Sunderland) was of the French faction, and that they (the Swedes) were not, and said something like it to my Lord Cavendish.

20th.My Lord Mulgrave^[17] and I, talking of the succession, concluded that there would be no way to save this nation from great trouble but for the Duke to resign, which we thought he would hardly do, being governed so much by his priests. My Lord Feversham told me that he had sent the Duke word that none of his friends would help him but himself, meaning the changing his religion, which, if he did it thoroughly, would dash all his enemies.^[18]

21st.I went to Windsor with my Lord Sunderland, and coming home, we fell upon the discourse of the Duke, and how much this business of Scotland was likely to turn to his advantage. At night, we heard of his having arrived at Edinburgh on Wednesday, and that he was to join the King's forces the next day. These, with several other things, made us conclude how necessary it was for the Prince to come into England, nobody to know it but Sir William, Lord Sunderland, and I. The Duchess of Portsmouth is mightily his friend, and a great support to our party. Lord Torbat is to be secretary, now Lord Chief Justice. The King has a personal kindness for the Prince.

22nd. We began to be very apprehensive of the French ambassador making some offers that might hinder the project of the guarantee: he was very busy with the Duchess of Portsmouth. Lord Sunderland and Lord Halifax came to see me; but, before we heard of this. Lord H. told me that every one of them must have some private discourse with me about the Prince, and allowed that every honest man would be for him, unless he were a madman, meaning the setting up of popery and arbitrary government.

23rd.Lord Sunderland told me it would be very necessary for me to be gone, for he did fear some ill business was coming; that the French ambassador was three hours with the King, who said nothing of it to Lord S. 'Tis most certain that his penchant is that way; but we hope that he will find nobody to join him in it, unless it be the Duke. Nobody is to be feared; the Duke of Buckingham and Lord F.^[19] the likeliest.

24th.We continued our apprehensions of the French ambassador, but could not certainly find it out. At seven o'clock there was a council called, and Oates and Bedloe were examined if there was any thing more they had to say against the Queen. It was once thought best for her to come to trial.

25th. We had news of the rebels in Scotland being routed, which gave great joy; but at night the King was pressed to defer his journey to Windsor, which put him out of humour. The same day my Lord Shaftesbury made great profession of kindness to my Lord Sunderland, and he told me how necessary it was to have him amongst us.^[20] The King hath yet a great aversion to him. 26th.Lord Halifax told me he thought it would be a good thing if the Prince would come over, and just upon the meeting of parliament, not knowing that it had ever been spoken of before. Lord Sunderland told me that the Duchess of Portsmouth was unsatisfied with the Prince; and desired me to advise him to write to her, and make some application to her, for that she will be of great use to us, particularly against the Duke of Monmouth; and I am to let him know how instrumental she hath been in changing the council, and in several other things. In short, I am to tell him that she is one Lord Sunderland does make use of, and that he must do so too if he intends to do any good with the King. She hath more power over him than can be imagined. Nobody can excuse what she hath done, but I hope well from her for the future. He thinks it necessary for him to see the Duke before he comes over; but it must be a good while before, or else it will give great suspicion here. When he does see him, he is to persuade him either to turn protestant himself, or else not to take it ill of him if he falls into that interest, which is the only thing that can support him and his daughter.

27th.Sir W. Temple had a conference with the King about the new parliament, Lauderdale, and the Duke. To the first he said, he was resolved there should be one, but he was not certain of the time; he is unwilling that the elections should take place in the dog-days. To the second he said, that he would settle the business of Scotland, and turn out Lord Lauderdale before the Duke of Monmouth came back. To the last, which was begun upon Mr. Graham's being here, he did resolve that his answer should be, that he had hopes the next sessions would put him at ease; that if he (the Duke) should come over, there would be no hopes, and, therefore, he desired him not to think of it^[21] till it was past; at the same time he spoke to him to write a letter of kindness to the Prince every day. Lord Sunderland makes new protestations of kindness to the Prince, and thinks it the true interest of the nation, which he is for more than any body.

The same day, the business at counsel was to reprieve Langhome, wherein the King took great pains; which troubled all those that were concerned for him. The Lord Privy Seal^[22] doth even plead for the Catholics; Lord Shaftesbury is the most violent against them.

At night, the Duchess of Portsmouth and I had some discourse together of Mr. Harbord; and afterwards I asked her when she would give me her instructions. She said, she did not like to make advances. I told her I hoped she would receive them well, if they were made to her. She then fell to make several expressions of kindness to the Prince, and told me she believed he and several others loved her the worse because they thought her too much in the interest of France. She confessed she had so much kindness to her own country, that she would be glad to do it any good, but when it came into any competition with England, she would show that she thought her stake here was much greater than there.

28th.My Lord Sunderland told Mr. Godolphin of our design of bringing over the Prince, which he approves of extremely, and resolves to further it. He saith there are several things to be considered in it; the first is, whether the Princess should come over; but it is resolved she should not, and that it should be ordered that she stay at the Hague, and that the Duke and Duchess do not come to her, and that she should not go to them, but let them know of his coming by letter, for it will be mightily to his prejudice if it should be suspected that his coming over was agreed upon between the Duke and the Prince. I am to let the Prince know that the Lord Shaftesbury is not of our party, but that he is a good tool to work with, and that there is nothing to be done in a parliament without him. He makes the fairest promises that can be, and confesses that there were faults committed in the last session which he hopes will be repaired in the next.

The King is unsatisfied with the Duke of Hamilton and the other lords; 'tis much suspected that they had a great hand in this rebellion. The non-conformists are of that opinion.

30th.The King christened Sir Charles Berkeley's child, and went afterwards to Windsor, which day he passed in walking about; he was very kind, and showed me every thing that was to be seen.^[23]

July 1st.Little was done all day but going a-fishing. At night the Duchess of Portsmouth came. In the morning I was with the King at Mrs. Nell's.

2nd.I received my instructions, and asked the King if he would not have me go suddenly. He told me, "Yes," and that he would write to the Prince by all means in the afternoon. I had discourse with my Lord Sunderland, and he said one chief thing that was to be desired of the Prince was secrecy; that he must resolve quickly whether he will come or not, that measures may be taken accordingly; that it will be necessary for him to keep a table, to bring none with him but his own family, and invite the parliament men, which will delight them; and I must let him know how he, Lord Sunderland, had brought in Essex and Halifax.

3rd.I went with the King to Hampton Court, where there was a council and a great debate about the dissolution of the parliament. The King proposed it, but every man was against it except our friends.^[24] The King came back to Windsor, and I came to London, and the next day Lord Sunderland went to his house.

4th.I went to Shene, where Sir W. Temple told me that I was to acquaint the Prince with one thing which nobody did yet know; which was the making the Duke King of the Romans, it being the only thing that was likely to settle all Europe; the particulars we resolved to discuss at large.

5th.I went to the commissioners of the treasury and made my demands. They desired me to come again on Tuesday or Wednesday. In the afternoon I gave Gilbert Spencer a collateral security for the money borrowed and the annuity.

6th.I went to Shene, where Sir W. Temple told me what had passed on Thursday, how that every man spoke against the dissolution, and complained of the ill management; and concluded that there was nothing to be done without acquainting some particular persons of the design, before it be moved at the Board. Afterwards, I went to Windsor; upon the way I met with the Lord Chancellor and the Lord Privy Seal, who had been made acquainted with what was to be done on Thursday.

7th.I went to Cliveden, where I admired the folly of the Duke of Buckingham.^[25]

8th.Lord Halifax came from London; he told me the design of Lord Worcester for putting off the council; the reason we imagined was to have the Duke of Monmouth here. I went in the morning to Mr. Van Lewin, who told me that I should find every body in Holland well inclined to enter into a stricter union and alliance than we have had yet; that all the towns but that of Amsterdam hath been for it a long while, and that Monsieur Van Beuninghen had sent him word that he was very confident that town would also come in as well as the others. Upon the discourse of the guarantee, he told me that the King of France would not evacuate Wesel and Lipstat, till the Swedes were in possession of all Pomerania, which I doubt will retard their entering into the treaty with so much desire.

In the evening I went to Sir William's, and talking of the Duke, we resolved that there was nothing for him to do so well as to be resolute, and to begin with turning out those men that broke the triple league, shut up the exchequer, entering into a war that cost so many lives, and setting up popery.

I must ask him what shall be done with Lady Anne.

8th.I went to Windsor, and told Lord Sunderland that I heard Lord Shaftesbury had spread abroad that whoever gave the advice for the dissolution deserved to lose their heads.

10th.I went to Hampton with Sunderland and Halifax; in the way we concluded that the Lord Chancellor had discovered all. Lord Halifax said, nobody knew it on Tuesday; that then the Lord Chancellor went, and on Wednesday every body knew it. When we came, the King quickly followed, and told his mind very resolutely, and the business was done, much to the discontent of the Lord Chancellor and several others, but most because they were themselves concerned, some because they had made cabals and intrigues. Lord Shaftesbury the greatest hand in that: when the debate was, the Duke of Monmouth came in; we suspected he was sent for, but he said little. Lord Lauderdale came with the King, who told him the whole business of the Scotch. He seemed inclined to Lauderdale.

11th.I took some care with William Harbord about the elections. At night I went to Windsor, and found Lord Sunderland and Halifax together. I told them the discourse of the town, which was most railing at them, and raised by Shaftesbury, who hates Essex and Halifax.

12th.We discoursed about the elections, but nothing concluded till the next morning.

13th.The Duke of Monmouth came to Windsor, I went to see the Duchess. She called her husband Sir.^[26] If it is likely to have many presbyterians, I believe there will be indulgence given to them as there is in Scotland. There is more hopes of making D. run away.

14th.I asked the King if he had any particular commands for me. He said, all he had to say was to assure the Prince of Orange of his kindness, that he loved him, and would be as kind to him as if he were his son; he takes it very well his being ready to send over the Scotch and English^[27] to assist; he told me he had great hopes of this parliament, and had the more because Lord Hollis was so angry at it. At night, I took my leave of the Queen, who desired me to tell the Prince and princess of Orange that she never writ any letter, but she hoped I would make the best compliments I could for her. At my taking leave of the Duchess of Portsmouth, she said a great deal of her readiness to do the Prince any service. I am to tell the Prince the chief reasons for the King dissolving this parliament; it is principally because the King had no hope of the last, having done so many things for them, and having such ill returns as sending away the Duke, Lord Danby, purging the courts at Westminster, establishing a new council; which was done because we saw the King going into the hands of such as the Duchess of Portsmouth would recommend.

This day I dined at Shene with Lord Sunderland and Sir Henry Capel; going thither, we talked much of the Prince's coming, the advantage it would be to him and to us all, how they would be pleased if he did make a speech in favour of the Provinces, and of the interest of England against France. We afterwards fell to consult of elections.

15th.I took leave of the King at Hampton Court, and presently after the Duke of Monmouth desired me to give the Prince of Orange thanks for the message he received from him by Sir W. Temple; and for all the favours he did him at the army, with the assurance of his services: then I came to Shene. On the way he said that I was to tell the Prince how he was ever against Shaftesbury and Lauderdale coming into the council, and his perpetually telling the King so. He showed me the letter he had received from Sir Lionel Jenkins about receiving the presents, in which he desired to be governed by the King.

16th.I dined with Lord Halifax. In the morning we met at my Lord Sunderland's, where Mr. Harbord was mightily discontented. After dinner, Sir W. Temple showed me a letter from the Prince, wherein he said that he believed Monsieur Van Lewin would quickly have power to treat about the guarantee, and that Valkener was come in to him.

17th.I took my leave of Lord Shaftesbury; he told me he hoped I would make a good alliance between us and the Dutch, that we might be able to make some resistance to France. As for the Prince of Orange, he said if he would continue a good Protestant we would do him right. He commended Lord Sunderland, but spoke slightly of Essex and Halifax. Afterwards I went to Lord Halifax, and, telling him what had passed, he said he differed from Lord Sunderland, for that he was confident there never would be any good done with that man. I met the French ambassador in the street, who made me great profession of kindness. In the afternoon I went to my Lord Essex, who gave me a letter for the Prince, and withal told the advantage it would be to have him come over, and if he were brought into the House and the council it would be much better; but it was not to be done without taking the oath of allegiance, and whether he could take that or no, he could not tell, because of the Act 30th. He and Lord Halifax are of that reputation, that nobody can blame them for any one action in their whole lives, and they two, with Lord Sunderland, have more land than the King.^[28]

At night, I went to Sir William, where we resolved that it would be best for the Prince to bring over the treaty, that it would give less jealousies to France, and be of great advantage to the Prince and every body else. It must be contrived, if the Prince does bring it over, that the Spanish and German ministers must be here with a full power to conclude. When he is here, we think he should be created duke, and have all the dignities and rights of the third son of England. He will do well to unite himself with the people there, for that would do him great good here. We talked how ill Lord Chumleigh, Mr. Montague, and Sir William Car behave themselves, what mischief they do because they are not uppermost. He advised me to go to the Prince as soon as I landed, and in a day or two to go to the French ambassador without giving notice, and with as little ceremony as possible. We talked of my behaviour to the States.

This afternoon, I was with the Lord Chancellor, who told me how good a thing it would be to present the parliament at their meeting with a strict alliance with the States; and, if a match could be made between the King of Sweden and my Lady Ann, it would be a great satisfaction to the people.

18th.In the morning, before we parted, we talked again of the Prince, and he begged, for God's sake, that he would not disagree with the Spaniard about Maestrecht. He advised to have the English and Scotch troops fall and in good order, for they might be of use on several occasions, and particularly that he would not let a papist come in. Collier is well with the Prince, and governs the English. Wesley married his daughter, and of his party there is Mackay, a Scotch colonel. Sir W. Temple has a particular esteem for him.^[29]

When I came to town, I dined at Mr. Harbord's. Sir Henry Capel told me that we should always have between thirty and forty sail. At Shene, our discourse was much about what I should say to the ministers abroad: how that the King my master was much for the peace of Europe, and as he has endeavoured to make it, so he would endeavour to preserve it.

19th.I received the King's letters. In the afternoon, I met Sir Henry Capel, who desired me to make his compliments to the Prince. He, Mr. Harbord, and I were all in Sir W. Temple's chamber.^[30] He told me he would only have me ask the Prince if he had ever thought of that business which he once spoke of to him of the Duke being king of the Romans. When we were together, Mr. Harbord told us that if the King did not resolve to do four or five things, there could never be any union between him and his people. The first that he imagined they would fall upon, was the business of the pardon,^[31] then my Lord Lauderdale, then the plot, and last the succession.

20th.I received the order to go aboard the yacht. At night, Mr. Montague was with me, who told me how glad he was of Wakeman’s being acquitted,^[32] “for,” saith he, “it is much better for us Mutineers."^[33] He gave me great charge to remember his pills.

21st.Mr. Hide came to me,^[34] and carried me to Mr. Godolphin, who told me that they fancied that Monsieur Van Lewin was colder in the business of the guarantee than he had been; that he said there was no haste in concluding it, that there was now on foot. the defensive treaty, which he thought would be sufficient for the present. Upon this, he told me I was to press all I could to have the project of the guarantee finished; for, though there never had been so good alliances made all that time, they would not be liked, because they were made in my Lord Treasurer's time, and therefore it would be absolutely necessary to have some new ones made. Soon after I spoke to my Lord of Essex, who, I find, is mightily out of heart upon the King's intentions to raise new troops of musqueteers, which he says he will never consent to, nor set his hand to the establishment of. Another thing that troubles him is that the King hath writ a letter into Scotland upon the desire of my Lord Lauderdale to let them know that he is well satisfied with all that hath been done there, and he intends to issue a proclamation to the same effect. Afterwards I went to see my Lord Halifax; he told me he had seen Sir W. Temple, and that it was resolved no presents should be taken. I came on board the yacht, and, by the way, about the time we set sail, I saw the Duchess, a fine second-rate ship. With a fair wind, about three or four o'clock, we came to the North Foreland.

 

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1. Sidney Godolphin (afterwards Earl of Godolphin) had been Envoy to Holland in the preceding year.
2. Monsieur Van Beuninghen had been ambassador from the States, and was succeeded by Monsieur Van Lewin.
3. Lord Chancellor Finch, afterwards created Earl of Nottingham. "Finch," says Burnet, "was a man of probity, and well versed in the laws. He was long much admired for his eloquence, but it was laboured and affected."
4. Agent of the Presbyterians and Duke of York.— Orig Note. He was physician in ordinary to the King. North, in his Examen, describes him as a "busy body in tricking affairs, a man of finess, in possession of the protectorship of the dissenters after the manner of the cardinals for nations at Rome." Pepys mentions a peculiarity of Sir John Baber: "He hath this humour, that he will not enter into discourse whilst any stranger is in company, till he is told who he is that seems a stranger to him; this he did declare openly to me, and asked my Lord Brouncker who I was."

   This Sir John Baber is set down, in Barillon's list of those members of the popular party who were pensioners of Louis, for 500 guineas, where he describes him "as one who is not in this parliament, but who has many connections in the Lower House, and who formed my connection with Lord Hollis.". . . . . "He has been very useful to me on many occasions, and it is through him I have been informed in time of what passes in the different cabals."— Pepys's Memoirs. i. 397; Dalrymple, i. 338.

5. "The Chevalier Baber," says Barillon, in a letter written to Louis, in December, 1680, "is he, through whom I have a connection with the Presbyterians. He is a rich man, and afraid of troubles; at the bottom he is attached to the Duke of York. I see plainly that the pains he has taken have not been useless, for the Presbyterians are entirely against the Prince of Orange, and I believe it will be very difficult to set to rights what has been done against him."
6. I proposed it: The Dukedom of Gloucester a proper title.—Orig. Note.
7. The Committee of Intelligence, "for opening and considering all advices, as well foreign as domestic, and to meet where and as often as they shall see fit, consisted of the lord chancellor (Finch), lord president (Shaftesbury), Snnderland and Coventry as secretaries of state; Monmouth, Arlington, Essex, Halifax, and Sir William Temple."—Courtenay's Life of Temple, ii. 45.
8. The raising of the forces cost a great sum.—Orig. Note.
9. "The third matter of importance was the giving some ease to Scotland, where the humours began to swell about this time; and which, we conceived, could be no way so easily done as by the removal of the Dake of Lauderdale, a man too much hated both here and there to be fit for the temper his majesty seemed resolved to use in his affairs. For this last, we could not upon any terms obtain it from the King by all the arguments used by us all four. The King's defence being a very true one, that we none of us knew Scotland as well as he did."—Temples Works, ii., 500.
10. Lauderdale is governed by his wife as much as Danby, or all would quit.—Orig. Note. It would be difficult to name two more unamiable ladies than Lady Danby and Lady Lauderdale. Sir John Reresby, speaking of Lady Danby, says: "Several persons had got possessed of good employments, not so much by my Lord Danby's favour and kindness as by giving money to his lady, who had for some time driven on a private trade of this sort, though not without his lordship's participation and concurrence. This I knew, but had neither face nor inclination to come in at that door."—P. 289. Burnet gives the following account of Lady Lauderdale. "Not contented with the great appointments they had, she set herself by all possible methods to raise money. They lived at a vast expense; and every thing was set to sale. She carried all things with a haughtiness that could not have been easily borne from a Queen. She talked of all people with an ungoverned freedom, and grew to be universally hated."—Burnet, i. 588.
11. These were Whitbread, provincial of the Jesuits, Fenwick, Gavan, Turner, and Harcourt, all Jesuits.
12. Neither was Sir William Temple. Speaking of this condemnation of the priests, he says: "We only disagreed upon one point, which was the leaving some priests to the law, upon the accusation of being priests only, as the House of Commons had desired, which I thought wholly unjust. . . . . . Upon this point, Lord Halifax and I had so sharp a debate at Lord Sunderland's lodgings, that he told me if I would not concur in points which were so necessary for the people's satisfaction, he would tell every body I was a papist; and, upon his affirming that the plot must be handled as if it were true, whether it were so or not, I replied, with some heat, that the plot was a matter long on foot before I came over into England; that, to understand it, one must have been here to observe all the motions of it, which, not having done, I would have nothing to do with it."—Temple's Works, ii. 506.
13. The King, James says, in 1679, was convinced of the falsehood of the plot. "Whilst the seeming necessity of his affairs made this unfortunate Prince, for so he may well be termed in this conjuncture, think he could not be safe but by consenting every day to the execution of those he knew in his heart to be most innocent; and as for that notion of letting the law take its course, it was such a piece of casuistry as had been fatal to the King his father."—Life of James II. i. 562.
14. She is very assuming and witty, but hath little sincerity. She governed the Duke, and made him do several things for her husband which he repents of.—Orig. Note. This was Anne, heiress of Beccleugh. Evelyn gives her the same character: "I dined," he says, "at my Lord Arlington's with the Duke and Duchess of Monmouth. She is one of the wisest and craftiest of her sex, and has much wit."— i. 460.
15. Sir Gabriel Sylvius was Hoffmaester, or Chamberlain, to the Prince of Orange. He had been frequently in England, and had married Mrs. Howard, one of the maids of honour. Evelyn, who was consulted by his friends on almost every matter of difficulty, whether of building, planting, or marrying, brought this marriage to bear. "Nov. 11th, 1677. I was all this week composing matters between old Mrs. Howard and Sir G. Sylvius upon his long and earnest addresses to Mrs. Ann, her second daughter, mayd of honor to the Queene. My friend, Mrs. Godolphin, who exceedingly lov'd the young lady, was most industrious in it, out of pity to the languishing knight; so as tho' there were greate differences in their yeares it was at last effected."
16. Lord Danby was at this time a prisoner in the Tower.
17. Afterwards Sheffield, Duke of Buckingham.
18. Lord Feversham was a Frenchman by birth, and nephew of Marshal Turenne; a faithful adherent of James in all his fortunes. Burnet describes him as "an honest, brave, and goodnatured man, but weak to a degree not to be conceived." Speaking of these applications, James says: "These were not all the difficulties he was to fence against; his friends relapsed again into their fears, which was more grievous to him than all the rest, had they had the boldness to press him to change his religion as the only resource he had left, and that without it, both himself, the King, and Monarchy too would infallibly be lost.

    "These menaces would have staggered a Prince of less Christian resolution, but no earthly motive could shake his perseverance when justice or truth were concerned; so he replied with something more of asperity than ordinary—'that he wondered those to whom he was known could fancy him capable of so much levity, in a business of that high nature, as either to have changed his religion at first, without full conviction, or to relinquish it now for temporal ends—that what he had done was upon full deliberation; and that he was resolved, let the consequence be what it will, to persevere in the truth he had already embraced.'"—Life of James II. i., 560.

19. The Earl of Feversham.
20. "At length my Lord Sunderland told me that Lord Essex and Lord Halifax were of opinion that it was necessary to take in the Duke of Monmouth and Lord Shaftesbury into the direction of affairs, considering the influence they had upon the House, and for this end to agree with them in the banishment of the Duke either for a certain time, or for the King's life, and desired to know whether I would fall into it with them, and join in bringing it about with the King. I told my Lord Sunderland positively I would not." — Temple's Works, ii. 503.
21. The King said he was mad to think of it. — Orig. Note. The Duke of York was at this time in exile at Brussels.
22. Arthur Annesley, Earl of Anglesey, of whom Barnet has left this character: "He was very learned, chiefly in the law. He had the faculty of speaking indefatigably upon every subject; but he spoke ungracefully, and did not know that he was not good at raillery, for he was always attempting it. He understood our government well, and had examined far into the original of our constitution. He was capable of great application, and was a man of grave deportment, but stuck at nothing, and was ashamed of nothing. He was neither loved nor trusted by any man on any side, and he seemed to have no regard to common decencies, but sold every thing that was in his power, and sold himself so often, that at last the price fell so low that he grew useless." Of his power of close application to business there are abundant proofs in Pepys's Diary: when, in 1668, he was one of the commissioners of the navy and working hard himself, he expected his secretary to do so too. Pepys says, "I did receive a hint or two from my Lord Anglesey, as if he thought much of my taking the ayre as I have done; but I care not. Whatever the matter is, I think he hath some ill will to me, or at least an opinion that I am more the servant of the Board than I am." No wonder, then, that when the news of Lord Anglesey's suspension from this office arrived, that which was a matter of concern to others was by no means so to Pepys. "This suspension," he says, "put strange apprehensions into all our Board; only I think I am the least troubled at it, for I care not at all for it; but my Lord Brouncker and Pen do seem to think much of it."—Pepys's Diary, ii. 272. The character given of Lord Anglesey by Burnet is not easily to be reconciled with his conduct when, in 1682, he drew up his Remonstrance to Charles on the state of the government and kingdom, which Ralph well describes as a paper containing advice both for matter and manner worthy of a peer to give and a king to embrace. The concluding passages of this paper show the spirit which pervades the whole, "Though your majesty is in your own person above the reach of the law, and sovereign of all your people, yet the law is your master and instructor how to govern; and your subjects assure themselves you will never attempt the enervating that law by which you are king, and which you have not only by frequent declarations, but by solemn oath upon your throne, been obliged, in a most glorious presence of your people, to the maintenance of; and that therefore yon will look upon any that shall propose or advise to the contrary as unfit persons to be near you, and on those who shall persuade you it is lawful, as sordid flatterers, and the worst and most dangerous enemies you and your kingdom have. What I set before your majesty, I have written freely, and like a sworn and faithful counsellor; perhaps not like a wise man with regard to myself, as things stand, but I have discharged my duty, and shall count it a reward if your majesty vouchsafe to read what I durst not but write, and which I beseech God to give a blessing to."—Somers's Tracts, 1 coll. i. 186.
23. "He lived quite privately at this time; there was little or no resort to him; and his days were passed in fishing, or walking in the park: and certain it is he was much better pleased with retirement than the hurry of the gay and busy world."—Reresby's Mem. p. 232.
24. "The council day came; and when I came thither, and found the King and three lords with some others already there, I asked Lord Sunderland and Halifax whether all was prepared, and if the Lord Chancellor and other chief officers had been spoken to. They said, No, it had been forgotten or neglected; but that the King would do it to each of them apart as they came that morning. I thought it hard a point of that importance should be neglected so long, but was fain to content myself with what they told me would be done. The outward room, where the King was, filled apace; every one made his leg to his majesty, and filled the circle about him as they came in. I was talking apart in a corner of the room till it grew late, and the Lord Chancellor told the King it was so. I saw the King turn from the chancellor and go into the council chamber; all followed, the council sate. The King proposed his thoughts whether it was best for his affairs to prorogue the parliament, or dissolve it, and call another at that time, and desired their lordships' opinions upon it.

    "I observed a general surprise at the Board, which made me begin to doubt the King had spoke of it to few or none but the Chancellor before he came in: but it soon appeared that he had not done so much as that, for, after a long pause, he was the first that rose up, and spoke long and violently against the dissolution, and was followed by Lord Shaftesbury in the amplest manner and most tragical terms. Lord Anglesey followed them by urging all the fatal consequences that could be; the same still was followed by the Lord Chamberlain [Lord Arlington], and agreed to by the Marquis of Worcester, and pursued from the top to the bottom of the table by every man there, and at a very full council, except the three lords who spoke for the dissolution, but neither with half the length or force of argument they intended to have done, leaving that part, as I supposed, to me, who was, I confess, well enough instructed in the case to have said more upon the argument, but I was spited from the first that I heard of my Lord Chancellor's speech, and still more and more as every man spoke, at the consequences happened by such a negligence of my friends, who had been perpetually about the King, and might have so easily effected what was agreed upon and thought so necessary,"—Temple's Works, ii. 511-12.

25. Evelyn liked Cliveden better. "23rd July; I went to Clifden, that stupendous natural rock, wood, and prospect of the Duke of Buckingham: buildings of extraordinary expence. The grottos in the chalky rocks are pretty; 'tis a romantic object, and the place altogether answers the most poetical description that can be made of solitude, precipice, prospect, or whatever can contribute to a thing so very like their imaginations."—Evelyn's Memoirs, i. 511.
26. The Duchess of Monmouth's coldness to her husband is not surprising. She was averse to his political intrigues; and if, as Sheffield, Duke of Buckingham tells us, the Duke "was ever engaged in some amour," their domestic life must have been wretched. It was one of these intrigues which turned love to hate between the Duke of York and his nephew, and was "the accidental cause of such a division between them, as never ceased till it cost one of them the hazard of his crown, and the other that of his life." — Duke of Buckingham's Memoirs, ii. 33.
27. These were the six English and Scotch regiments in the pay and service of the States under the command of the Earl of Ossory.
28. Very great importance was attached in those days to the possession of large landed property. It was one of the main features of Sir W. Temple's celebrated council scheme. He says: "One chief regard necessary to this constitution was that of the personal riches of the new council, which, in revenues of land or offices, was found to amount to about three hundred thousand pounds a year; whereas those of the House of Commons are seldom found to have exceeded four hundred thousand pounds, and authority is observed much to follow land."—Temple's Works, ii. 494.
29. And well he deserved it, for, to judge from the character which Burnet has left of him, he must have been one of the best of soldiers and of men. He says:—"Mackay was one of the best officers of the age, when he had nothing to do but to obey and execute orders, for he was both diligent, obliging, and brave; but he was not so fitted to command. His piety made him too apt to mistrust his own sense, and to be too tender, or rather fearful, in any thing where there might be a needless effusion of blood." He had the command of the King's troops in 1689, at the fight at the Pass of Killicrankie, where Dundee fell. He greatly distinguished himself in the campaign in Ireland under William, and was killed at the battle of Steinkirk, in 1692. "We lost," says Burnet, "in this action about five thousand men and many brave officers; here Mackay was killed: being ordered to a post that he saw could not be maintained, he sent his opinion about it, but the former orders were confirmed; so he went on, saying only, 'The will of the Lord be done.' He was a man of such strict principles, that he would not have served in a war that he did not think lawful. He took great care of his soldiers' morals, and forced them to be both sober and just in their quarters: he spent all the time he was master of in secret prayers, and in the reading of the scriptures. The King often observed, that, when he had full leisure for his devotions, he acted with a peculiar exaltation of courage. He had one very singular quality: in councils of war be delivered his opinion freely, and maintained it with due zeal: but, how positive soever be was in it, if the council of war overruled it, even though he was not convinced by it, yet to all others he justified it, and executed bis part with the same zeal as if his own opinion had prevailed."—Burnet's History, iv., 170. Mackay published a work called "Rules of War for the Infantry, ordered to be observed by their majesty's subjects encountering with the enemy on the day of battle," which concludes with this proof of his deeply pious and religious feeling. "Lastly, when all dispositions are made, and the army waiting for the signal to move towards the enemy, both officers and soldiers ought seriously to recommend (together with their souls and bodies) the care and protection of the cause for which they so freely expose their lives to God, who overruleth the deliberations and councils, designs and enterprises, of his creatures, and of whose blessings alone the success of all undertakings doth depend, which they may do in these, or in like words. 'A Prayer.—O Almighty King of Kings, and Lord of Hosts, which, by the angels thereunto appointed, doth minister both war and peace. Thou rulest and commandest all things, and sittest on the throne judging right; and therefore we would make our addresses to Thy divine Majesty in this our necessity, that Thou wouldest take us and our cause into Thine own hand, and judge between us and our. enemies. Stir up thy strength, O Lord, and come and help us, for Thou givest not always the battle to the strong, but canst save by many and by few. O let not our sins now cry against us for vengeance, but hear us, thy poor servants, begging mercy and imploring Thy help, and that Thou wouldest be a defence against the enemy. Make it appear that Thou art our Saviour and Mighty Deliverer. Through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen."—Mackay's Memoirs.
30. Sir William Temple stands for Cambridge. The Duke of Monmouth told him he would recommend nobody; yet Sir Robert Sawyer stands, who is a creature of his.—Orig. Note. The Duke of Monmouth was chancellor of the University.
31. The pardon granted to Lord Danby.
32. Evelyn tells us that he was present at Sir G. Wakeman's trial, and gives an interesting account of it: he adds, "This was a happy day for the Lords in the Tower, who, expecting their trial, had this gone against the prisoners, would all have been in the utmost hazard."—Evelyn's Diary, i., 509.
33. The name given to the most violent of the popular party.
34. This visit of Hide's to Mr. Sidney, just upon the eve ofhis departure. was taken advantage of in aftertimes by Lord Sunderland, to create a jealousy against him when he was Earl of Rochester and high in the favour of King James. "My Lord Sunderland," says Barillon, in one of his dispatches to Louis, dated the 26th November, 1685, "has told me a thing of great consequence, which, if it be true, and the King of England should know it, will diminish greatly the credit of my Lord Rochester—it is that, when Mr. Sidney was going into Holland, my Lord Rochester begged to see him the last, and only a minute before his embarkation with Bentinck. In this interview. my Lord Rochester told Mr. Sidney that he had one piece of advice to give to the Prince of Orange, which was to come to England, whatever it might cost, and even in spite of the King of England, and that it was the sole and only means to set things right, which, if they took a bad course, it would be impossible in the end to remedy. Mr. Sidney acquitted himself of his commission, and said that the Prince of Orange was moved, but did not dare to hazard coming,". . ."I see plainly the motive of my Lord Sunderland, in telling me a thing of this importance, has been to deprive me of all confidence in Lord Rochester, and to make me regard him as one entirely opposed to your majesty's interests, and attached to those of the Prince of Grange. I can hardly think that this circumstance is invented. I well know that my Lord Sunderland can, through Mr. Sidney, keep up his connexion with the Prince of Orange, which may come to light in future times; but, in the mean time, he keeps a course entirely favourable to the Catholics, and which alienates the King his master from all other attachments but to the interests of your majesty."—Dalrymple. The whole of this statement of Sunderland was probably false, with the exception of the visit, and that is misrepresented.