Gazimestan speech
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| Gazimestan speech by |
| Serbian | English |
|---|---|
| На овом месту у срцу Србије, на Косову Пољу, пре шест векова, пре пуних 600-на година догодила се једна од највећих битака онога доба. Као и све велике догађаје и тај прате многа питања и тајне, он је предмет непрекидног научног истраживања и обичне народне радозналости. Стицајем друштвених околности овај велики шестстогодишњи јубилеј Косовске битке догодио се у години у којој је Србија, после много година, после много деценија, повратила свој државни, национални и духовни интегритет. Није нам, према томе данас, тешко да одговоримо на оно старо питање: -са чим ћемо пред Милоша. Игром историје и живота изгледа као да је Србија баш ове 1989. године повратила своју државу и своје достојанство да би тако прославила историјски догађај из далеке прошлости који је имао велики историјски и симболички значај за њену будућност. | At this place, in the heart of Serbia, on the Field of Kosovo, six centuries ago, a full six hundred years ago, one of the greatest battles of that time took place. Like all great events, this one is surrounded by many questions and secrets, it is the subject of incessant scientific research and of the ordinary curiosity of the people. By the force of social circumstances this great 600th anniversary of the Battle of Kosovo is taking place in a year in which Serbia, after many years, after many decades, has regained its state, national, and spiritual integrity. Therefore, it is not difficult for us to answer today the old question: how are we going to face Milos [Milos Obilic, legendary hero of the Battle of Kosovo]. Through the play of history and life, it seems as if Serbia has, precisely in this year, in 1989, regained its state and its dignity and thus has celebrated an event of the distant past which has a great historical and symbolic significance for its future. |
| Danas je teško reći šta je u Kosovskoj bici istorijska istina, a šta legenda. Danas to više nije ni važno. Narod je pamtio i zaboravljao pritisnut bolom i ispunjen nadom. Kao uostalom i svaki narod na svetu. Stideo se izdajstva, veličao junaštvo. Zato je danas teško reći da li je kosovska bitka poraz ili pobeda srpskog naroda, da li smo zahvaljujući njoj pali u ropstvo, ili smo zahvaljujući njoj u tom ropstvu preživeli. Odgovore na ta pitanja tražiće nauka i narod neprekidno. Ono što je izvesno, kroz sve ove vekove iza nas, je da nas je na Kosovu pre 600 godina zadesila nesloga. Ako smo izgubili bitku, onda to nije bio samo rezultat društvene superiornosti i oružane prednosti osmanlijskog carstva, već i tragične nesloge u vrhu sprske države. Tada, te daleke 1389. osmanlijsko carstvo nije samo bilo jače od srpskog, ono je bilo i srećnije od srpskog carstva. | Today, it is difficult to say what is the historical truth about the Battle of Kosovo and what is legend. Today this is no longer important. Oppressed by pain and filled with hope, the people used to remember and to forget, as, after all, all people in the world do, and it was ashamed of treachery and glorified heroism. Therefore it is difficult to say today whether the Battle of Kosovo was a defeat or a victory for the Serbian people, whether thanks to it we fell into slavery or we survived in this slavery. The answers to those questions will be constantly sought by science and the people. What has been certain through all the centuries until our time today is that disharmony struck Kosovo 600 years ago. If we lost the battle, then this was not only the result of social superiority and the armed advantage of the Ottoman Empire but also of the tragic disunity in the leadership of the Serbian state at that time. In that distant 1389, the Ottoman Empire was not only stronger than that of the Serbs but it was also more fortunate than the Serbian kingdom. |
| Nesloga i izdaja na Kosovu pratiće dalje srpski narod kao zla kob kroz čitavu njegovu istoriju. I u poslednjem ratu ta nesloga i ta izdaja uvele su srpski narod i Srbiju u agoniju čije su posledice u istorijskom i moralnom smislu prevazilazile fašističku agresiju. | The lack of unity and betrayal in Kosovo will continue to follow the Serbian people like an evil fate through the whole of its history. Even in the last war, this lack of unity and betrayal led the Serbian people and Serbia into agony, the consequences of which in the historical and moral sense exceeded fascist aggression. |
| Pa i kasnije kada je formirana socijalistička Jugoslavija, srpski vrh je u toj novoj zemlji ostao podeljen, sklon kompromisima na stetu sopstvenog naroda. Ustupke koje su mnogi srpski rukovodioci pravili na račun svog naroda, ni istorijski, ni etički, ne bi mogao da prihvati ni jedan narod na svetu. Pogotovo što Srbi kroz čitavu svoju istoriju nisu nikada osvajali i eksploatisali druge. Njihovo nacionalno i istorijsko biće kroz čitavu istoriju i kroz dva svetska rata kao i danas je – oslobodilačko. Oslobađali su večito sebe i, kad su bili u prilici, pomagali su drugima da se oslobode. A to što su u ovim prostorima veliki narod, nije nikakav srpski greh, ni sramota. To je prednost, koju oni nisu koristili protiv drugih. Ali moram da kažem ovde, na ovom velikom, legendarnom polju Kosovu, da Srbi tu prednost što su veliki nisu nikada koristili ni za sebe. | Even later, when a socialist Yugoslavia was set up, in this new state the Serbian leadership remained divided, prone to compromise to the detriment of its own people. The concessions that many Serbian leaders made at the expense of their people could not be accepted historically and ethically by any nation in the world, especially because the Serbs have never in the whole of their history conquered and exploited others. Their national and historical being has been liberational throughout the whole of history and through two world wars, as it is today. They liberated themselves and when they could they also helped others to liberate themselves. The fact that in this region they are a major nation is not a Serbian sin or shame; this is an advantage which they have not used against others, but I must say that here, in this big, legendary field of Kosovo, the Serbs have not used the advantage of being great for their own benefit either. |
| Zaslugom svojih vođa i političara i njihovog vazalnog mentaliteta čak su se zbog toga osećali krivim pred drugima, pa i pred sobom. Tako je bilo decenijama, godinama. Evo nas danas na polju Kosovu da kazemo – da više nije tako. | Thanks to their leaders and politicians and their vassal mentality they felt guilty before themselves and others. This situation lasted for decades, it lasted for years and here we are now at the field of Kosovo to say that this is no longer the case. |
| Nesloga srpskih političara unazađivala je Srbiju, a njihova inferiornost ponižavala je Srbiju. Nema zato u Srbiji pogodnijeg mesta od polja Kosova da se to kaže. I nema zato u Srbiji pogodnijeg mesta, od polja Kosova, da se kaže da će sloga u Srbiji omogućiti prosperitet i srpskom narodu i Srbiji i svakom njenom građaninu, bez obzira na nacionalnu ili versku pripadnost. | Disunity among Serb officials made Serbia lag behind and their inferiority humiliated Serbia. Therefore, no place in Serbia is better suited for saying this than the field of Kosovo and no place in Serbia is better suited than the field of Kosovo for saying that unity in Serbia will bring prosperity to the Serbian people in Serbia and each one of its citizens, irrespective of his national or religious affiliation. |
| Srbija je danas jedinstvena, ravnopravna sa drugim republikama i spremna da učini sve da poboljša materijalni i društveni život svih svojih građana. Ako bude sloge, saradnje i ozbiljnosti, ona će u tome i uspeti. Zato je optimizam koji je danas u priličnoj meri prisutan u Srbiji u pogledu budućih dana, realan utoliko što se zasniva na slobodi koja omogućava svim ljudima da izraze svoje pozitivne, stvaralačke, humane sposobnosti za unapređenje društvenog i sopstvenog života. | Serbia of today is united and equal to other republics and prepared to do everything to improve its financial and social position and that of all its citizens. If there is unity, cooperation, and seriousness, it will succeed in doing so. This is why the optimism that is now present in Serbia to a considerable extent regarding the future days is realistic, also because it is based on freedom, which makes it possible for all people to express their positive, creative and humane abilities aimed at furthering social and personal life. |
| U Srbiji nikada nisu živeli samo Srbi. Danas u njoj, više nego pre, žive i građani drugih naroda i narodnosti. To nije hendikep za Srbiju. Iskreno sam uveren da je to njena prednost. U tom smislu se menja nacionalni sastav gotovo svih, a naročito razvijenih zemalja savremenog sveta. Sve više i sve uspešnije zajedno žive građani raznih nacionalnosti, raznih vera i rasa. | Serbia has never had only Serbs living in it. Today, more than in the past, members of other peoples and nationalities also live in it. This is not a disadvantage for Serbia. I am truly convinced that it is its advantage. National composition of almost all countries in the world today, particularly developed ones, has also been changing in this direction. Citizens of different nationalities, religions, and races have been living together more and more frequently and more and more successfully. |
| Socijalizam kao progresivno i pravedno demokratsko društvo pogotovo ne bi smelo da dopusti da se ljudi dele nacionalno i verski. Jedine razlike koje se u socijalizmu mogu da dopuste i treba da dopuste su između radnih i neradnih, između poštenih i nepoštenih. Zato su svi koji u Srbiji žive od svog rada, pošteno, poštujući druge ljude i druge narode – u svojoj Republici. | Socialism in particular, being a progressive and just democratic society, should not allow people to be divided in the national and religious respect. The only differences one can and should allow in socialism are between hard working people and idlers and between honest people and dishonest people. Therefore, all people in Serbia who live from their own work, honestly, respecting other people and other nations, are in their own republic. |
| Uostalom, na tim osnovama treba da bude uređena čitava naša zemlja. Jugoslavija je višenacionalna zajednica i ona može da opstane samo u uslovima potpune ravnopravnosti svih nacija koje u njoj žive. | After all, our entire country should be set up on the basis of such principles. Yugoslavia is a multinational community and it can survive only under the conditions of full equality for all nations that live in it. |
| Kriza koja je pogodila Jugoslaviju dovela je do nacionalnih, ali i do socijalnih, kulturnih, verskih i mnogih drugih manje važnih podela. Među svim tim podelama, kao najdramatičnije su se pokazale nacionalne podele. Njihovo otklanjanje olakšaće otklanjanje drugih podela i ublažiti posledice koje su te druge podele izazvale. | The crisis that hit Yugoslavia has brought about national divisions, but also social, cultural, religious and many other less important ones. Among all these divisions, nationalist ones have shown themselves to be the most dramatic. Resolving them will make it easier to remove other divisions and mitigate the consequences they have created. |
| Otkad postoje višenacionalne zajednice, njihova slaba tačka su odnosi koji se između različitih nacija uspostavljaju. Kao mač nad njihovim glavama, prisutna je neprekidna pretnja da se jednog dana pokrene pitanje ugroženosti jedne nacije od drugih i time pokrene talas sumnji, optužbi i netrpeljivosti koji po pravilu raste i teško se zaustavlja. To unutrašnji i spoljni neprijatelji takvih zajednica znaju i zato svoju aktivnost protiv višenacionalnih društava uglavnom organizuju na podsticanje nacionalnih sukoba. U ovom trenutku mi u Jugoslaviji se ponašamo kao da nam to iskustvo uopšte nije poznato. I kao da u sopstvenoj, i daljoj i bližoj prošlosti nismo iskusili svu tragičnost nacionalnih sukoba, koje jedno društvo može da doživi, a da ipak opstane. | For as long as multinational communities have existed, their weak point has always been the relations between different nations. The threat is that the question of one nation being endangered by the others can be posed one day -- and this can then start a wave of suspicions, accusations, and intolerance, a wave that invariably grows and is difficult to stop. This threat has been hanging like a sword over our heads all the time. Internal and external enemies of multi-national communities are aware of this and therefore they organize their activity against multinational societies mostly by fomenting national conflicts. At this moment, we in Yugoslavia are behaving as if we have never had such an experience and as if in our recent and distant past we have never experienced the worst tragedy of national conflicts that a society can experience and still survive. |
| Ravnopravni i složeni odnosi među jugoslovenskim narodima su neophodan uslov za opstanak Jugoslavije, za njen izlazak iz krize, i pogotovo neophodan uslov za njen ekonomski i društveni prosperitet. Time se Jugoslavija ne izdvaja iz socijalnog ambijenta savremenog, pogotovo razvijenog sveta. Taj svet sve više obeležava nacionalna trpeljivost, nacionalna saradnja, pa čak i nacionalna ravnopravnost. Savremeni ekonomski i tehnološki, ali i politički i kulturni razvoj upućuje razne narode jedne na druge, čini ih međusobno zavisnim i sve više i međusobno ravnopravnim. U civilizaciju ka kojoj se kreće čovečanstvo, mogu zakoračiti pre svega ravnopravni i ujedinjeni ljudi. Ako ne možemo da budemo na čelu puta u takvu civilizaciju, ne treba sigurno da budemo ni na njegovom začelju. | Equal and harmonious relations among Yugoslav peoples are a necessary condition for the existence of Yugoslavia and for it to find its way out of the crisis and, in particular, they are a necessary condition for its economic and social prosperity. In this respect Yugoslavia does not stand out from the social milieu of the contemporary, particularly the developed, world. This world is more and more marked by national tolerance, national cooperation, and even national equality. The modern economic and technological, as well as political and cultural development, has guided various peoples toward each other, has made them interdependent and increasingly has made them equal as well [medjusobno ravnopravni]. Equal and united people can above all become a part of the civilization toward which mankind is moving. If we cannot be at the head of the column leading to such a civilization, there is certainly no need for us to be at is tail. |
| U vreme kada se odigrala ova znamenita istorijska bitka na Kosovu, ljudi su bili zagledani u zvezde čekajući od njih pomoć. Danas, šest vekova kasnije, ponovo su zagledani u zvezde, čekajući da ih osvoje. Prvi put su mogli da dopuste sebi razjedinjenost, mrznju, izdaju, jer su živeli u manjim, međusobno slabo povezanim svetovima. Danas, kao stanovnici planete, razjedinjeni, ne mogu osvojiti ni svoju planetu, a kamoli druge planete, ukoliko ne budu međusobno složni i solidarni. | At the time when this famous historical battle was fought in Kosovo, the people were looking at the stars, expecting aid from them. Now, 6 centuries later, they are looking at the stars again, waiting to conquer them. On the first occasion, they could allow themselves to be disunited and to have hatred and treason because they lived in smaller, weakly interlinked worlds. Now, as people on this planet, they cannot conquer even their own planet if they are not united, let alone other planets, unless they live in mutual harmony and solidarity. |
| Zato možda nigde na tlu naše domovine nemaju toliko smisla reči posvećene slozi, solidarnosti i saradnji među ljudima koliko imaju ovde, na polju Kosovu, koje je simbol nesloge i izdaje. | Therefore, words devoted to unity, solidarity, and cooperation among people have no greater significance anywhere on the soil of our motherland than they have here in the field of Kosovo, which is a symbol of disunity and treason. |
| U pamćenju srpskog naroda ta nesloga je bila presudna za gubitak bitke i za zlu sudbinu koju je Srbija podnela punih pet vekova. | In the memory of the Serbian people, this disunity was decisive in causing the loss of the battle and in bringing about the fate which Serbia suffered for a full 6 centuries. |
| Pa čak i ako sa istorijske tačke gledišta ne bi bilo tako, ostaje izvesno da je narod svoju neslogu doživeo kao svoju najveću nesreću. I obaveza naroda je zato da je sam otkloni da bi sebe ubuduće zaštitio od poraza, neuspeha i stagnacije. | Even if it were not so, from a historical point of view, it remains certain that the people regarded disunity as its greatest disaster. Therefore it is the obligation of the people to remove disunity, so that they may protect themselves from defeats, failures, and stagnation in the future. |
| Srpski narod je ove godine postao svestan nužnosti svoje međusobne sloge kao neophodnog uslova za svoj sadašnji život i dalji razvoj. | This year, the Serbian people became aware of the necessity of their mutual harmony as the indispensable condition for their present life and further development. |
| Uveren sam da će ta svest o slozi i jedinstvu omogućiti Srbiji ne samo da funkcioniše kao država, već da funkcioniše kao uspešna država. Zato i mislim da to ima smisla reći baš ovde na Kosovu gde je nesloga jednom tragično i za vekove unazadila i ugrozila Srbiju i gde obnovljena sloga može da je unapredi i da joj vrati dostojanstvo. A takva svest o međusobnim odnosima predstavlja elementarnu nužnost i za Jugoslaviju – jer se njena sudbina nalazi u združenim rukama svih njenih naroda. Kosovska bitka sadrži u sebi jos jedan veliki simbol. To je simbol junaštva. Njemu su posvećene pesme, igre, literatura i istorija. Kosovsko junaštvo već šest vekova inspiriše naše stvaralaštvo, hrani naš ponos, ne da nam da zaboravimo da smo jednom bili vojska velika, hrabra i ponosita, jedna od retkih koja je u gubitku ostala neporažena. | I am convinced that this awareness of harmony and unity will make it possible for Serbia not only to function as a state but to function as a successful state. Therefore I think that it makes sense to say this here in Kosovo, where that disunity once upon a time tragically pushed back Serbia for centuries and endangered it, and where renewed unity may advance it and may return dignity to it. Such an awareness about mutual relations constitutes an elementary necessity for Yugoslavia, too, for its fate is in the joined hands of all its peoples. The Kosovo heroism has been inspiring our creativity for 6 centuries, and has been feeding our pride and does not allow us to forget that at one time we were an army great, brave, and proud, one of the few that remained undefeated when losing. |
| Šest vekova kasnije, danas, opet smo u bitkama, i pred bitkama. One nisu oružane, mada i takve još nisu isključene. Ali bez obzira kakve da su, bitke se ne mogu dobiti bez odlučnosti, hrabrosti i požrtvovanosti. Bez tih dobrih osobina koje su onda davno bile prisutne na polju Kosovu. Naša glavna bitka danas odnosi se na ostvarenje ekonomskog, politickog, kulturnog i uopšte društvenog prosperiteta. Za brže i uspešnije približavanje civilizaciji u kojoj će živeti ljudi u XXI veku. Za tu nam je bitku pogotovo potrebno junaštvo. Razume se nešto drugačije. Ali ona srčanost bez koje ništa na svetu, ozbiljno i veliko, ne može da se postigne, ostaje nepromenjena, ostaje večno potrebna. | Six centuries later, now, we are being again engaged in battles and are facing battles. They are not armed battles, although such things cannot be excluded yet. However, regardless of what kind of battles they are, they cannot be won without resolve, bravery, and sacrifice, without the noble qualities that were present here in the field of Kosovo in the days past. Our chief battle now concerns implementing the economic, political, cultural, and general social prosperity, finding a quicker and more successful approach to a civilization in which people will live in the 21st century. For this battle, we certainly need heroism, of course of a somewhat different kind, but that courage without which nothing serious and great can be achieved remains unchanged and remains urgently necessary. |
| Pre šest vekova Srbija je ovde, na polju Kosovu, branila sebe. Ali je branila i Evropu. Ona se tada nalazila na njenom bedemu koji je štitio evropsku kulturu, religiju, evropsko društvo u celini. Zato danas izgleda ne samo nepravedno već i neistorijski i sasvim apsurdno razgovarati o pripadnosti Srbije Evropi. Ona je u njoj neprekidno, danas kao i pre. Razume se, na svoj način. Ali takav koji je u istorijskom smislu nije nikad lišio dostojanstva. U tom duhu mi danas nastojimo da gradimo društvo – bogato i demokratsko. I da tako doprinesemo prosperitetu svoje lepe, i u ovom trenutku nepravedno napaćene zemlje. Ali i da tako doprinesemo naporima svih progresivnih ljudi našeg doba, koje oni čine za jedan novi, lepši svet. | Six centuries ago, Serbia heroically defended itself in the field of Kosovo, but it also defended Europe. Serbia was at that time the bastion that defended the European culture, religion, and European society in general. Therefore today it appears not only unjust but even unhistorical and completely absurd to talk about Serbia's belonging to Europe. Serbia has been a part of Europe incessantly, now just as much as it was in the past, of course, in its own way, but in a way that in the historical sense never deprived it of dignity. In this spirit we now endeavor to build a society, rich and democratic, and thus to contribute to the prosperity of this beautiful country, this unjustly suffering country, but also to contribute to the efforts of all the progressive people of our age that they make for a better and happier world. |
| Нека вечно живи успомена на косовско јунаштво! | Let the memory of Kosovo heroism live forever! |
| Нека живи Србија! | Long live Serbia! |
| Нека живи Југославија! | Long live Yugoslavia! |
| Нека живи мир и братство међу народима! | Long live peace and brotherhood among peoples! |
[edit] Source
- English translation (except the first two sentences) produced by the National Technical Information Service of the US Department of Commerce. Reprinted in The Kosovo Conflict and International Law: An Analytical Documentation 1974-1999, ed. Heike Krieger, p. 10-11. Cambridge University Press, 2001. ISBN 0521800714
Original:
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