Life and select literary remains of Sam Houston of Texas/Chapter 15
CHAPTER XV.
The press of the United States teemed with calumnies against the Texan people and their intrepid leader. The appeal for recognition and interposition was received, and read with surprise and mortification by the press. But this paper so clearly unfolded the merits of the Texan struggle as to receive profound attention from the Cabinets of Washington, London, and Paris. Powerful and widely circulated. American papers had impressed their prejudices and their intelligence upon the leading journals of England and France. The people of Texas were regarded as a band of outlaws. Beyond a tardy recognition of independence other nations hardly ventured. Their ministers scarcely uttered a word of encouragement or sympathy to the agents of Texas in Europe, The appeal indicated a high veneration for justice, lofty regard for national honor, a distinct recognition of the claims of humanity and Christian principle, not inferior to all the characteristics of civil liberty which marked the progress and the intercourse of the leading governments of the world. It is said that Peel and Guizot, on reading this appeal, declared that it would have done credit to the bravest nation and most enlightened statesmen of the race. The archives of Texas show that, immediately afterward, an honorable rivalry sprung up in the English and French Cabinets for the cultivation of friendly relations with Texas. The ministers of those nations accredited to the Texan Government received instructions to embrace every opportunity for winning the regard and friendship of the Republic, hence every effort was put forth by vigilant ministers and keen-sighted diplomatists to gain for their sovereigns the control of the commerce and political fortunes of Texas. To prevent the final union of Texas with the United States became a matter of vast consequence to England and France, and, as an independent power, no barriers could prevent her ultimate advancement. But the tendency of affairs toward annexation with the United States was watched with vigilance and alarm. Diplomatic, commercial, and financial machinery were employed to avert what was clearly foreseen would prove detrimental to all English and French interests on the Western Continent. Houston controlled negotiations. Motives of personal aggrandizement could not constrain or coerce him to adopt the policy of England or France. Had that policy prevailed, the map of the United States would present different boundaries, and the power of the United States a different aspect.
In proportion as Texas was spurned from the embrace of the United States, the British and French Cabinets redoubled their exertions to prevent annexation. The Congress of the United States still held aloof from legislation, plied by threats, awed by clamor, and blinded by falsehood and prejudice. The minds of the friends of Texas in the Union were filled with timidity and apprehensions. But President John Tyler and his Cabinet were not indifferent spectators of the moving drama. Whatever opinion may be entertained respecting the wisdom of President Tyler's administration in other matters, there can be but one opinion, that he pursued a most enlightened, sagacious, and true American policy in the affair of annexing Texas to the United States. With vigilance, activity, and a thorough understanding of the merits of the question, he strove to consummate the vastly important measure of annexation at the earliest possible moment. Throughout his administration he was true to his policy on this question. He steadily and firmly pursued his purpose, unawed by popular clamor, and unseduced by the minions who sought to eclipse his fame. Temporarily, his reputation may have suffered with both of the political parties then existing, but the time has come when the important consequences of that great act, whose consummation is so largely due to him, has become apparent to the whole American people.
In the meantime negotiations were conducted in London by Hon. Ashbel Smith with the most consummate ability, and England and France did interfere. The friendly offices also of the Cabinet at Washington city were tendered, but exerted but little influence with Mexico.
The policy of Gen. Houston on this important subject may be inferred from a dispatch from the Department of State of Texas to Hon. Mr. Van Zandt, Charge d'Affaires of the Republic at Washington city, dated July 6, 1843, an extract from which is herewith presented. Whether our Government would ever consent to annexation on fair and equal terms was to him exceedingly doubtful. In this state of doubt, and whatever may have been his private feelings, he was resolved to maintain the most friendly relations. If Texas should be spurned from the embrace of the United States, he was for placing the Republic in such an attitude that she might fall back upon a treaty with a powerful ally. Texas could thus claim protection from her foe, and might advance rapidly to power under a policy made liberal by interest. The extract is as follows: "The United States having taken no definite action in this matter, and there being now an increased prospect of an adjustment of our difficulties with Mexico, the Preside n deems it advisable to take no further action at present in reference to annexation, but has decided to await the issue of events now in progress, and to postpone that subject for future consideration and for such action as circumstances may hereafter render most expedient for the interests of the country."
Gen. Houston's negotiations with the Washington Cabinet caused some little jealousy with the English and French Ministers resident in Texas. Not regarding it probable that a treaty of annexation would soon be consummated, he instructed Mr. Van Zandt to defer all further action for the time being. The following extracts from instructions forwarded to Mr. Van Zandt December 13, 1843, will set forth the reasons for Houston's policy:
"The interposition of foreign friendly governments, by which an armistice has been established between Texas and Mexico, and the prospects ot a permanent peace with that power given, has been extended by the particular governments mostly influential in obtaining these most desirable results, chiefly with a view that in the event of Mexico's agreeing to acknowledge the independence of Texas, she should continue to exist as a separate and independent nation. The great object and desire of Texas is the establishment of a permanent and satisfactory peace with her enemy, and for this purpose the good offices of these powers have been asked and obtained, and the object sought for, through their intervention, appears now on the eve of being realized.
"This intervention and these good offices have been gratuitously and unconditionally given, and although Texas is entirely free to pursue any course she may please in future, the President thinks that, in the present state of our foreign relations, it would not be politic to abandon the expectations which now exist of a speedy settlement of our difficulties with Mexico through the good offices of other powers, for the very uncertain prospect of annexation to the United States, however desirable that event, if it could be consummated, might be. Were Texas to agree to a treaty of annexation, the good offices of these powers would, it is believed, be immediately withdrawn, and were the treaty then to fail of ratifkation by the Senate of the United States, Texas would be placed in a much worse situation than she is at present, nor could she again ask or hope for any interposition on her behalf, either by England or France; and without our consequent supposed dependence upon the United States, might again return to the apathy and indifference towards us which have always until now characterized that government. Texas would then be left in the same situation she was two years since, without a friend, and her difficulties unsettled.
"This Government is duly sensible of the very friendly feelings evinced by the President of the United States in the offer to conclude a treaty for the annexation of this country, but from all the information which he has been able to obtain in relation to the views and feelings of the people of the United States he is induced to believe that its approval by the other branches of that Government would be, if not refused, at least of very uncertain attainment at this particular time; therefore, and until such an expression of their opinion can be obtained as would render this measure certain of success, the President deems it most proper and advantageous to the interests of this country to decline the proposition for concluding a treaty. In making a communication of this determination to the Government of the United States, it will be proper to inform that Government that whenever the Congress or Senate of the United States shall throw wide open the door to annexation by a resolution authorizing the President of that country to propose a treaty for the purpose, the proposition will be immediately submitted to the representatives of the people of this country, and promptly responded to on the part of its Government. The present determination of the President on this subject does not proceed from any change in his views of the general policy of the measure, but from a change m the relations of this country with other powers."
Knowing that England was pressing her powerful and friendly offices upon the Republic, the Cabinet at Washington was alarmed on receiving these instructions for the suspension of negotiations on the subject of annexation. The difficulties between England and the United States growing out of the Northeastern and Oregon boundaries proved abundantly that prejudicial consequences might ensue from allowing England to gain a foothold on our southern frontier. Fearing the result, President Tyler lost no opportunity to instruct his Secretary of State to assure the Texan Government of his earnest desire to consummate annexation. Under President Lamar's administration the question of annexation had been allowed to sleep. President Houston strove to pursue a discreet course in regard to it after his re-election. He was placed in a position of extreme delicacy. Any imprudent act or movement might prove exceedingly hazardous to the interests of the country. Occupied earnestly for some time in securing annexation, he had wisely kept his own counsel. Parties were taking strong ground for and against annexation in the United States, and it was doubtful till the presidential election in November, 1844, which party, that which rallied under the honored names of Henry Clay and Theodore Frelinghuysen for President, or that other party which supported " Polk, Dallas and Texas," was the stronger. The tariff and Texas made up the staple of the political eloquence which came from the lips of John J. Crittenden, Sergeant S. Prentiss, James C. Jones, and others known as mighty in speech among the masses on one side, and Robert J. Walker, Henry Stuart Foote, Jefferson Davis, and others equally as powerful on the other side. Free soil and the abolition of slavery were the watchwords of a small party destined in a future day to be masters of the situation, and sway the destinies of the United States.
The election of 1844 settled the policy of the Cabinet and Senate at Washington city.