THE LABOR QUESTION AND THE SOCIAL PROBLEM.
FREQUENT recurrence to the fundamental principles of civil liberty is advised and enjoined by the constitution of Illinois. Let us obey this excellent injunction and consider the "labor question," in its present aspects, in its relation to those first principles. Much of the confusion which characterizes the cur- rent discussion in the daily press is plainly traceable to ignorance or neglect of those principles.
There is evidence on all sides of a strong reaction against labor organizations their tacit or explicit claims, and their methods. Certain extremists believe that unionism can be "stamped out," and they honestly assert that we must stamp it out if we would preserve American liberty and American oppor- tunity. Moderate employers admit the possibility of useful and even laudable unionism, while bitterly condemning unionism "as now taught and practiced." The former view is unworthy of serious consideration ; but how much truth is there in the latter view?
To answer this question, we must determine, not merely what unionism professes to be, but what it actually is. Short views and half-truths are especially dangerous in these premises.
Let us start with a suggestive hypothesis. Suppose a number of men, unlabeled, unclassified, and unattached to any "cause," should by deed, if not by word, declare war upon law and order ; should, in contempt or defiance of accepted standards, more or less regularly violate the rights of person and property, and the peace of the community; should, in pursuit of selfish ends, habitually resort to violence, threats of violence, riotous demonstrations, obstruction of traffic and of industry, and aggressive interference with quiet citizens seeking to exercise their legal and moral rights. Suppose all this, and ask what sort of treatment such an element as this would receive. Would there be any difference of opinion as to the duty of the government and of the public in that situation? Would any class condone or apologize for
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