taken by our government, through our ministers
and troops, in aiding its establishment. President
Harrison, in his message to the senate submitting
the treaty, declared that "the overthrow of the
monarchy was not in any way promoted by this
government." On the other hand, the queen and
her ministers filed with the treaty a protest, assert-
ing that when she yielded to the provisional gov-
ernment she had yielded to the superior force of
the United States. In order that this vital ques-
tion of fact might be impartially investigated and
determined. President Cleveland at once withdrew
the treaty from the senate and despatched James
H. Blount, of Georgia, as a special commissioner
to make full examination and report.
On 18 Dec, 1893, in a special message to con- gress, ho transmitted the report of the commis- sioner with all the evidence and papers connected with the case. In his message, after reviewing all the facts and confirming the finding of the com- missioner, he declared that he believed "that a candid and thorough examination of the facts will force the conviction that the provisional govern- ment owes its existence to an armed invasion by the United States. . . . The lawful government of Hawaii was overthrown without the drawing of a sword or the firing of a shot, by a process every step of which, it may safely be asserted, is directly traceable to and dependent for its success upon the agency of the United States acting through its diplomatic and naval representatives."
Referring to the principles which should govern the case, he said : " I suppose that right and jus- tice should determine the path to be followed in treating this subject. If national honesty is to be disregarded and a desire for territorial extension or dissatisfaction with a form of government not our own ought to regulate our conduct, I have entirely misapprehended the mission and character of our government and the behaviour which the conscience of our people demands of their public servants. . . .
" A man of true honor protects the unwritten word which binds his conscience more scrupulous- ly, if possible, than he does the bond, a breach of which subjects him to legal liabilities; and the United States, in aiming to maintain itself as one of the most enlightened of nations, would do its citizens gross injustice if it applied to its interna- tional relations any other than a high standard of honor and morality. On that ground the United States can not properly be put in the position of countenancing a wrong after its commission any more than in that of consenting to it in advance. On that ground it can not allow itself to refuse to redress an injury inflicted through an abuse of power by officers clothed with its authority and wearing its uniform ; and on the same ground, if a feeble but friendly state is in danger of being robbed of its independence and its sovereignty by a misuse of the name and power of the Unitei States, the United States can not fail to vindicate its honor and its sense of justice by an earnest eilort to make all possible reparation. . . .
" These principles apply to the present case with irresistible force when the special conditions of the queen's surrender of her sovereignty are recalled. She surrendered not to the provisional govern- ment, but to the United States. She surrendered not absolutely and permanently, but temporarily and conditionally until such time as the facts can be considered by the United States. . . .
"By an act of war, committed with the partici- pation of a diplomatic representative of the United States and without authority of congress, the gov- ernment of a feeble but friendly and confiding people has been overthrown. A substantial wrong has thus lieen done which a due regard for our na- tional character as well as the rights of the injured people require we should endeavor to repair." He concluded by informing congress that he should not again submit the treaty of annexation to the senate; that he had Instructed our minister " to advise the queen and her supporters of his desire to aid in the restoration of the status exist- ing before the lawless landing of the U. S. forces at Honolulu on 10 Jan. last, if such restoration could be effected upon terms providing for clem- ency as well as justice to all parties concerned"; and he cojnmended the subject " to the extended powers and wide discretion of congress " for a so- lution " consistent with American honor, integrity, and morality."
These proposals of the president met with strong opposition in congress, and in February, 1894, the senate committee on foreign relations made a report upholding Minister Stevens in his course with relation to the revolution. Previous to this, in December, 189.3, Mr. Willis, the U. S. minister, had formally announced the president's policy to President Dole, who had returned a for- mal refusal to give up the government in accord- ance with that policy, at the same time denving the right of Mr. Cleveland to interfere. 6n 7 Feb., 1894, the house of representatives passed by a vote of 177 to 75 a resolution upholding Mr. Cleveland's course and condemning annexation, but a similar resolution was tabled in the senate, 36 to 18, on 39 May, and on 31 May a resolution was adopted against interference by the United States. On 4 July, 1894, the constitution of the republic of Hawaii was formally proclaimed by the revolu- tionary government, and Mr. Dole was declared president until December, 1900. The U. S. senate passed a resolution favoring the recognition of the new republic, and thus the matter practically passed out of Mr. Cleveland's hands. This was not the only question of foreign policy that was forced upon the administration. Early in 1895 an insurrection broke out on the island- of Cuba. Mr. Cleveland at once took measures against violation of the neutrality laws, and in his message in December he appealed for the observa- tion of strict neutrality as a " plain duty." Sym- pathy with the insurgents was wide-spread, how- ever, and it became increasingly difficult to detect filibustering expeditions, and still more so to indict and convict those guilty of violations of neutrality. The administration was blamed in Spain for sup- posed failure to enforce the law, and in the United States for attempting to enforce it too stringently. Strong efforts were made to induce the adminis- tration to recognize the insurgents as belligerents, and in April, 1896, a resolution in favor of such recognition passed both houses of congress. Mr. Cleveland disregarded these resolutions as being an attemjit to invade the prerogative of the ex- ecutive, and Secretary Olney stated publicly that the administration regarded them merely as "an expression of opinion on the part of a number of eminent gentlemen." Besides the resolutions just referred to others were introduced at various times providing for intervention, for special inves- tigation, and for recognition of the Cuban repub- lic. On 3 June, 1896, Mr. Cleveland sent Fitz- hugh Lee to Havana as consul-general in place of Ramon 0. Williams, and it was generally be- lieved that Gen. Lee was expected to act in some sense as a special commissioner of the president, to report to him on the state of affairs in the island. Many expected that the appointment
