Page:British hansard (1963) Malaysia bill.djvu/32

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of us at present today were Members of this House.

I thus had the benefit of advice on all aspects, with particular emphasis on the views they hold on various problems. But what was particularly pleasing was to see the way in which both of them were received by the peoples of the territories and how not one Minister but several paid tribute to them both for the help they had given in the past.

We are called upon today to decide a matter of great importance to the peoples of the Borneo Territories, Singapore and Malaya. I have given the question of Malaysia very anxious thought and careful consideration. The formation of this Federation has not been hurried. Those concerned have carefully considered every detail and did not agree until the last hour. Indeed, one of the parties—the State of Brunei—has decided not to join.

We are not only having an extension of Malaya. We are, in fact, creating a new State, and I take it for granted that the other Commonwealth Governments have been consulted and that they will cordially welcome the new State into the Commonwealth. I am sure that the Secretary of State will have something to say about that.

I have said that the establishment of Malaysia was not hurried. Indeed, it goes back further than 1961. In 1958, the Governors of North Borneo, Sarawak and Brunei put forward the pros and cons of close association and then, in 1961, Malaysia was initiated by the Governments of Malaya and the United Kingdom.

This move was originally welcomed by all the progressive forces in the five territories concerned. It was felt that such a federation would bring about the earlier ending of British colonial rule in North Borneo and Sarawak. It was also seen as a means of preserving, in independence, the viability of the less developed territories through the creation of a larger unit.

At the outset, even the Communist-inspired parties in the area supported the plan. But when it became clear that federation might become a barrier to Communist expansionist aims in South-East Asia, that support was withdrawn. Since then, the plan for federation has come under attack from Communist sources channelled, in the main through the Indonesian Communist Party. But let us not forget that much of the power and the cunning comes from Peking.

An inquiry into the attitude of the peoples who would be joining the Federation was made by a commission under Lord Cobbold. He went to North Borneo and Sarawak between February and April last year. The Commission, which included the Chief Minister of Penang and the Permanent Secretary of the Malayan Ministry of External Affairs, endorsed the finding that one-third of the population in each territory was strongly in favour of an early realisation of Malaysia without making conditions, another one-third was mainly favourable but asked for conditions and safeguards varying in extent, and the remaining one-third was divided between those who insisted upon independence before federation and those—I was rather glad to note that they were a large number—who still preferred to see British rule continue for many years.

During September, 1962, the legislative assemblies of North Borneo and Sarawak adopted resolutions unanimously welcoming in principle the decision to establish Malaysia by 31st August this year. The terms for the accession of Singapore were worked out by a joint Malaya-Singapore working team whose decisions were set out in a Singapore White Paper.

As has been said, these findings were subsequently endorsed by referendum. There can be no doubt about the majority in favour, although, as my hon. Friend the Member for Eton and Slough and others have said, the referendum itself was criticised. But, as my right hon. Friend the Member for Smethwick said, before the advent of the referendum a vote was cast in the Legislative Assembly in favour of Malaysia, with none voting against.

Personally, like my hon. Friend the Member for Eton and Slough, I consider it unfortunate that we have to rush through the legislation as we are doing today. However, we must face the fact that the territories concerned are