of President Pierce for a short time in 1853, and had afterward given his services to development of Southern resources.
The manufacturing and general commercial interests of European nations began to suffer, especially from the anticipated want of the usual cotton supply. The blockade was not regarded with favor nor a long continuance of hostilities in America, which had already suspended the profitable commerce of England and France. The Confederate commissioners pressed their claims upon the attention of the sovereigns to whom they were sent by all the indirect channels through which they could operate, and secured the sympathy of large numbers of men of prominence in commercial and political life. On the 13th of May, the decision of Great Britain to maintain strict neutrality and to accord to both contending parties the rights of belligerency was announced by the proclamation of the Queen. France had been inclined to tender its good offices to adjust American troubles, but had refrained from the fear of being misunderstood, and now simply adopted the course of England. No application in form had as yet been made by the Confederate commissioners for any purpose of recognition, but as Minister Dayton writes in June, there was a fear felt that a military reverse at this time, if it were to occur, would very decidedly incline France and England to recognize the Confederacy. Mr. Seward therefore directed all his efforts with great ingenuity, to prevent any foreign encouragement to the Confederate movement, constantly urging that it was "casual and ephemeral, a mere insurrection, such as European governments could not afford to encourage; one while threatening war on Europe and then making concessions even to a reluctant accession to the declaration of the Congress at Paris, pure and simple. The position that privateersmen were pirates was also abandoned, and the claim of a right to close part of its ports by a paper blockade was withdrawn upon the
