products of the soil so as to prevent their falling into the hands of the Federal armies, and to make them available on the Confederate side, drew out the various views of members of Congress in frequent and extended discussion. The Senate had adopted the bill reported by its committee on military affairs by which it was made the duty of all military commanders in the service of the Confederate States to destroy all cotton, tobacco and other property that may be useful to the enemy, if the same cannot be safely removed, whenever in their judgment the said cotton, tobacco and other property is about to fall into the hands of the enemy. It was stated that not more than five per cent, of the cotton and tobacco in the Confederacy would probably be liable to destruction under this law. In the House, on March 3d, a resolution was passed advising all growers of cotton and tobacco to withdraw from cultivation of these products and to devote themselves to the production of provisions, cattle, sheep, hogs, and the like, in order to sustain the armies. But the resolution was earnestly opposed after it had reached the Senate. Mr. Brown thought that an advisory resolution would have no good effect. On the contrary it virtually offers a premium on treachery. Patriotic citizens would obey it, but the Shylocks bent on gain would pay no attention. He favored a compulsory law, and intended to introduce a bill of that nature. If there was evil in the cotton crop, we should take it by the throat. The vigorous prohibition under penalties proposed by the senators was declared by others to be violation of the Constitution, inasmuch as it worked a forfeiture, created a new crime for that purpose, and as a revenue measure, could not originate in the Senate.
Besides, Mr. Wigfall, senator from Texas, was not sure that it was good policy to neglect raising cotton. Unless we continue to raise it, England would foster its cultivation, and after the war the South could no longer control the market. This is the policy desired by Eng-
