as more burdensome to the United States than the slaves. He thought this could be demonstrated, if the occasion were a proper one.
Mr. WILSON thought the motion premature. An agreement to the clause would be no bar to the object of it.
On the question, on the motion to insert "free" before "inhabitants,"—
New Jersey, ay, 1; New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Connecticut, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, no, 10.
On the suggestion of Mr. DICKINSON, the words, "provided that each state shall have one representative, at least," were added, nem. con.
Article 4, sect. 4, as amended, was agreed to, nem. con.196
Article 4, sect. 5, was then taken up.
Mr. PINCKNEY moved to strike out sect. 5, as giving no peculiar advantage to the House of Representatives, and as clogging the government. If the Senate can be trusted with the many great powers proposed, it surely may be trusted with that of originating money bills.
Mr. GORHAM was against allowing the Senate to originate, but was for allowing it only to amend.
Mr. GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. It is particularly proper that the Senate should have the right of originating money bills. They will sit constantly, will consist of a smaller number, and will be able to prepare such bills with due correctness, and so as to prevent delay of business in the other House.
Col. MASON was unwilling to travel over this ground again. To strike out the section was to unhinge the compromise of which it made a part. The duration of the Senate made it improper. He does not object to that duration ; on the contrary, he approved of it. But, joined with the smallness of the number, it was an argument against adding this to the other great powers vested in that body. His idea of an aristocracy was, that it was the government of the few over the many. An aristocratic body, like the screw in mechanics, working its way by slow degrees, and holding fast whatever it gains, should ever be suspected of an encroaching tendency. The purse-strings should never be put into its hands.
Mr. MERCER considered the exclusive power of originating money bills as so great an advantage, that it rendered the equality of votes in the Senate ideal, and of no consequence.
Mr. BUTLER was for adhering to the principle which had been settled.
Mr. WILSON was opposed to it on its merits, without regard to the compromise.
Mr. ELLSWORTH did not think the clause of any consequence; but as it was thought of consequence by some members from the larger states, he was willing it should stand.
Mr. MADISON was for striking it out, considering it as of no
