brought to them that Bothwell's servants had gone to the castle to fetch his effects, and he was present at the opening of the silver casket on the 21st (Henderson, Casket Letters, pp. 113-15). It was also on the 21st that he informed Cecil that, having only 'staid in company with the Earl Bothwell at court' from 'reverence and affection' to the queen his mistress, fear of his life and the hazard of his reputation had now induced him to join 'the best part of the nobility' in freeing her from Bothwell's power. So far his statement is perfectly credible; but a subsequent reference to the 'honour of the country, almost lost by that shameful murder' (Letter to Cecil, 1 July, Cal. State Papers, For. Ser. 1566-8, entry 1381), is a sufficiently striking example of diplomatic hypocrisy. After the flight of Bothwell, Maitland seems to have secretly devoted himself to the queen's interests. In token of his devotion he is said to have sent her a small oval ornament of gold, enamelled with Æsop's fable of the mouse delivering the lion caught in the net (Calderwood, ii. 871; Nau, p. 59). At the opening of the parliament in December he delivered a speech well fitted to allay animosities and to reconcile all parties to the rule of the regent. According to Sir James Melville, it was his conviction that the queen's interests would be best served by joining 'all the country together in quietness (Memoirs, p. 190). The statement of Calderwood that he was one of 'the chief plotters and devisers' of Mary's deliverance from Lochleven (ii. 404) is unsupported by evidence, and is essentially improbable. On the morning of Langside, Mary sent a private message to him asking his mediation in arranging terms with the regent {Memoirs, p. 200), but her purpose was frustrated by the precipitate action of the Hamiltons in forcing a battle.
Maitland had persistently endeavoured, so far as prudence would permit, to shield Mary, and, although one of the commissioners of the York conference, wished to avoid proceeding to extremities against her. He had a personal interest in preventing any thorough inquiry into the murder of Darnley, and the fact that Mary did not scruple to name him as one of its principal contrivers doubtless quickened his anxiety to effect a compromise. By means of Sir Robert Melville he therefore entered into private communication with Mary, to whom he sent a copy of the letters which the Scottish commissioners intended to produce 'in proof of the murder.' He added an assurance of his entire devotion to her service, and requested information as to the best course to pursue on her behalf (examination of the Bishop of Ross in Murdin, p. 52). Mary accepted his proffered assistance, asking him to use his influence both with Moray and Norfolk—the principal English commissioner—to stay the accusations; and advising him to consult further with her representative, John Leslie [q. v.], bishop of Ross. With Mary's consent Maitland therefore revived a scheme for her marriage to Norfolk. All would probably have been well but for Elizabeth. Norfolk was willing, Mary did not object, Moray might have been won over; but the knowledge that such a scheme was afoot was sufficient to determine Elizabeth to compel the Scottish commissioners to utter all they could to the 'queen's dishonour.' When Moray, partly by threats, partly by stratagem, was induced finally to give in his accusation, Maitland 'rounded' in his ear 'that he had shamed himself and put his life in peril,' (Sir James Melville, Memoirs, p. 211). After the close of the conferences Maitland endeavoured again to revive the Norfolk marriage scheme, and with this view an attempt was made in July 1569 to gain the consent of the Perth convention to the queen's divorce from Bothwell. On its failure Maitland severed himself from the party of the regent, and retired to Atholl. Being, however, enticed to attend a meeting of the council at Stirling on 3 Sept., he had hardly taken his seat before Captain Thomas Crawford [q. v.] entered the chamber and, falling down on his knees, desired that justice should be done on Maitland and Sir James Balfour for their share in Darnley's murder (Diurnal, p. 147). Although Maitland offered to find caution in any sum the regent might fix, he was confined in the castle of Stirling. Thence he was sent to Edinburgh for trial, but while confined there in a private house, he was, on a pretended warrant from the rejgent, removed by Kirkcaldy to the castle. Kirkcaldy subsequently promised to bring him into court on the day fixed for his trial, 21 Nov.; but on account of the 'great convention of the people' in his support the trial was not proceeded with (ib. pp. 151-2; Calderwood, ii. 506). At a meeting of the nobles held on the evening of the regent's funeral, 14 Feb. 1570, Maitland 'was purged of privitie to the murder of the king or regent,' and set at liberty {Diurnal, p. 158; Calderwood, ii. 526).
After the death of the regent Maitland exerted himself to reconcile the two factions, but his intentions were frustrated by the advance of the English army into Scotland. After the election of Lennox to the regency, 17 July, he retired into Atholl, and henceforth became the acknowledged head
