swayed with it for learning and weighed it down for truth.'
So far Montagu's work was almost entirely scholastic. In his 'Diatribæ upon the first part of the late History of Tithes,' 1621, 4to, he entered directly into one of the most popular controversies of the day. This work, dedicated to the king, was an attempt to beat Selden with his own weapons of philological and classical learning. 'Tithes are due by divine right' (p. 210), and he traces their history through the Jewish records from patriarchal to rabbinical times. He finds them in secular as well as sacred writers, and finally declares that no nation or country can be discovered that did not pay tithes to their deities, and that the custom is thus universal, as well as divinely originated. This book attracted considerable attention, but by his next work he sprang at once into popular fame. About 1619 he found that certain 'Romish rangers' had visited his parish and endeavoured to convert his flock. He invited them to meet him and discuss, but they did not come. He then drew up three propositions, promising to become a Roman catholic if any of them were successfully oppugned: 1. That the present Roman church is neither the catholic church nor a sound branch of the catholic church; 2. That the present English church is a sound member of the catholic church; and 3. That none of the points which the former maintains against the latter was the perpetual doctrine of the catholic church. He was answered in a pamphlet called 'A Gag for the New Gospel,' by Matthew Kellison [q. v.] To this he immediately replied by a trenchant rejoinder, 'A Gagg for the New Gospell? No. A New Gagg for an old Goose,' 1624. The 'Gagg' had contained forty-seven propositions which it attributed to the church of England. Of these Montagu only allows eight to be her true doctrine. The work, considered as a whole, was 'a temperate exposition of the reasons which were leading an increasing body of scholars to reject the doctrines of Rome and of Geneva alike' (Gardiner, History of England, v. 352).
Almost simultaneously with the publication of the 'New Gagg' Montagu issued his 'Immediate Addresse unto God alone, first delivered in a Sermon before his Majestie at Windsore, since revised and inlarged to a just treatise of Invocation of Saints,' 1624, 4to. Three years ago, he explained, he had preached before the king on Psalm 1, verse 15. There was present Marco Antonio de Dominis [q. v.], archbishop of Spalatro, who charged Montagu with supporting 'that ridiculous Roman doctrine and practice of praying unto saints and angels in time of need.' To meet the accusation Montagu now published the brief original draft of the sermon. The puritans were irritated by Montagu's attitude. Answer after answer poured forth from the press, and the House of Commons, on the complaint of two Ipswich ministers, Yates and Ward, referred the book to Abbot. Abbot applied for authority to the king, and remonstrated with Montagu. But James himself saw the pamphleteer, and approved of his work. 'If that is to be a Papist,' he said, 'so am I a Papist.' The matter did not rest with the king's death. The bishops of Rochester (Buckeridge), Oxford (Howson), and St. David's (Laud) wrote to Buckingham (Laud, Works, vi. 244-6) in support of Montagu, and he published his most famous work, 'Appello Caesarem: a just Appeale from two unjust Informers,' early in 1625. With an imprimatur from Dr. White, dean of Carlisle, in spite of Abbot's refusal to license it, it was issued from the press. It was a vindication of his teaching from the charge of Arminianism and popery. 'I am none of that fraternity—no Calvinist, no Lutheran, but a Christian' (p. 45). The House of Commons took up the matter at once, and accused the author of 'dishonouring the late king, of disturbing Church and State, and of treating the rights and privileges of Parliament with contempt.' A hot debate on the matter (see Gardiner, History of England, v. 362) was followed by Montagu's committal to the custody of the serjeant-at-arms. He was, however, allowed to return to Stanford Rivers on giving a bond of 2,000l. to the Serjeant to return on the reassembling of parliament (see Montagu's Letter to Buckingham, Cabala, ed. 1663, p. 116, and Joseph Mead [q. v.] to Sir M. Stuteville, Court and Times of Charles I, i. 96). Charles thereupon made Montagu one of his chaplains, and intimated to the commons on 9 July that 'what had been spoken in the House and informed against Mr. Mountague was displeasing to him. He hoped one of his chaplains might have as much protection as the servant of an ordinary burgess' (Rushworth, i. 174; cf. Laud, Diary, 9 July 1625; and Gardiner, History of England, v. 372-3). On the 11th parliament was prorogued. On 2 Aug., when the parliament was sitting at Oxford, Montagu was too ill to attend (cf. Cosin, Correspondence, i. 76 sqq.), and after a hot discussion, in which Coke and Heath took part, the matter was allowed to drop. But the question was far too serious to rest for long. On 16 and 17 Jan. 1625-6 a conference was held by Charles's command, as the result of
