was published Watson's longest work, ‘A Decacordon of Ten Quodlibeticall Questions concerning Religion and State; wherein the author, framing himself a Quilibet to every Quodlibet, decides an Hundred Crosse Interrogatorie Doubts about the generall contentions betwixt the Seminarie Priests and Iesuits …,’ Rheims? 4to. Though dated 1602, it was described by Father Rivers in a letter to Parsons on 22 Dec. 1601. It contains a few interesting allusions to Nash, Tarlton, and Will Somers, which seem to indicate that Watson frequented the theatre (pp. 266, 329). Fuller called it a ‘notable book,’ and declared that no answer to it was published by the jesuits (Church History, 1656, bk. x. pp. 5–6). A puritan reply, however, appeared early in 1602 (Foley, i. 30) as ‘Let Quilibet beware of Quodlibet,’ n.d., n. pl., and ‘An Antiquodlibet or an Advertisement to beware of Secular Priests’ (Middelburg, 1602, 12mo) has been attributed to John Udall [q. v.] who, however, died ten years before.
Whatever hand other appellants had in the production of these works, their bitterness and extravagance impelled the deputation then pleading the appellants' cause at Rome to repudiate repeatedly all share in them (Archpriest Controversy, ii. 68, 77, 87, 89). The jesuits at the same time endeavoured to saddle them with the responsibility, and made good use of the books in their attempt to prejudice the papal court against the appellants. Parsons replied to them with equal scurrility, but more skill, in his ‘Briefe Apologie’ (1602) and ‘Manifestation of the Great Folly …’ (1602), in which he heaps on Watson all manner of personal abuse.
Meanwhile Watson had benefited by the favour shown by Elizabeth's government to the secular priests. He had probably been removed from Wisbech with the other seculars to Framlingham, but in April 1602 he was in the Clink. In a letter to Parsons, Anthony Rivers relates how the Roman catholics in that prison had made secret arrangements for celebrating mass when they were surprised by government agents, and asserts that this was prearranged by Watson, who was removed to the king's bench, but discharged the next day. He was now seen in frequent consultation with Bancroft, bishop of London, the subject of their deliberations being a form of oath of allegiance which might be taken by the more moderate catholics. This oath was taken in November following by Watson and other seculars, who were thereupon released; and to this period must probably be referred the report (dated October 1601 in Cal. State Papers, Dom. Addenda, 1580–1625) of Watson's ‘going gallantly, in his gold chain and white satin doublet … contrary to his priest's habit.’ He had now begun to regard himself as a person of importance, and on the death of Elizabeth he hurried to Scotland to obtain from James a promise of toleration which would completely justify his own policy and cripple the influence of the jesuits. He gained access to James and boasted that his reply was favourable. When therefore no change of policy was forthcoming Watson was bitterly mortified; ‘the resolution of James to exact the fines was regarded by him almost in the light of a personal insult’ (Gardiner, i. 109). He began to meditate more forcible methods of effecting his aims, and communicated his grievances to Sir Griffin Markham [q. v.], Anthony Copley [q. v.], William Clark (d. 1603) [q. v.], and others, seculars like himself or disappointed courtiers. In May 1603 Markham suggested recourse to the Scottish precedent of seizing the king's person and compelling him to accede to their demands. Even wilder schemes were discussed; the king, not yet crowned and anointed, might, Watson thought, be set aside if he proved obdurate; the Tower could easily be seized, and Watson nominated himself future lord keeper or lord chancellor, and Copley secretary of state. Bands of catholic adherents were to be collected for 24 June, when they would press their demands on the king at Greenwich. This conspiracy became known as the ‘Bye’ or ‘Priests' Plot,’ and George Brooke, his brother, Lord Cobham, and Lord Grey de Wilton were implicated in it; but Watson also knew of Cobham's or the ‘Main’ plot (Cal. State Papers, Dom. 1603–10, pp. 34–8), and even discussed the advisability of drawing Ralegh into the ‘Bye’ plot (Addit. MS. 6177, f. 265).
Watson's plot gave the jesuits an opportunity, which they were not slow to use, of turning the tables on the seculars and revenging their defeat over the archpriest controversy. Father Gerard obtained from the pope an express prohibition of ‘all unquietness,’ and the whole influence of the society was exerted to frustrate Watson's scheme. Copley, who was to have brought in two hundred adherents, could not obtain one, ‘for I knew never a catholic near me of many a mile that were not jesuited’ (confession ap. Dodd, ed. Tierney, vol. iv. App. pp. i. sqq.). Gerard, Blackwell, and Garnett all hastened to inform the government of what was going on, and Gerard at least made a merit of this when charged with complicity in the ‘gunpowder plot.’ The attempt
