Table-turning—Taboo
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beauty. The view from the summit overlooking Table Bay is also one of much grandeur.
The south-east winds which sweep over Table Mountain frequently cause the phenomenon known as “The Table-cloth.” The summit of the mountain is then covered by a whitish-grey cloud, which is being constantly forced down the northern face towards Cape Town, but never reaches the lower slopes. The clouds (not always caused by the south-easter) form very suddenly, and the weather on the mountain is exceedingly changeable. The rainfall on the summit is heavy, 72.14 inches a year being the average of twelve years' observations. This compares with an average of 54.63 inches at Bishop's Court, Newlands, at the foot of the mountain on the east and with 25.43 inches at Cape Town at the northern foot of the mountain. The relative luxuriance of the vegetation on the upper part of the mountain, compared with that of its lower slopes, is due not only to the rainfall, but to the large additional moisture condensed from clouds. The result of experiments conducted by Dr Marloth (Trans. S. Afrn. Phil. Soc. for 1903 and 1905) goes to show that during cloudy weather the summit of the mountain resembles an immense sponge, and that this condensation of moisture considerably influences the yield of the springs in the lower part of the mountain.
Table-turning. When the movement of modern spiritualism first reached Europe from America in the winter of 1852–3, the most popular method of consulting the “spirits” was for several persons to sit round a table, with their hands resting on it, and wait for the table to move. If the experiment was successful the table would rotate with considerable rapidity, and would occasionally rise in the air, or perform other movements. Whilst by many the movements were ascribed to the agency of spirits, two investigators—count de Gasparin and Professor Thury of Geneva—conducted a careful series of experiments by which they claimed to have demonstrated that the movements of the table were due to a physical force emanating from the bodies of the sitters, for which they proposed the name “ectenic force.” Their conclusion rested on the supposed elimination of all known physical causes for the movements; but it is doubtful from the description of the experiments whether the precautions taken were sufficient to exclude unconscious muscular action or even deliberate fraud.
In England table-turning became a fashionable diversion and was practised all over the country in the year 1853. Dr John Elliotson and his followers attributed the phenomena to mesmerism. The general public were content to find the explanation of the movements in spirits, animal magnetism, odic force, galvanism, electricity, or even the rotation of the earth. James Braid, W. B. Carpenter and others pointed out, however, that the phenomena obviously depended upon the expectation of the sitters, and could be stopped altogether by appropriate suggestion. And Faraday devised some simple apparatus which conclusively demonstrated that the movements were due to unconscious muscular action. The apparatus consisted of two small boards, with glass rollers between them, the whole fastened together by indiarubber bands in such a manner that the upper board could slide under lateral pressure to a limited extent over the lower one. The occurrence of such lateral movement was at once indicated by means of an upright haystalk fastened to the apparatus. When by this means it was made clear to the experimenters that it was the fingers which moved the table, not the table the fingers, the phenomena generally ceased. The movements were in fact simply an illustration of automatism. But Faraday's demonstration did little to stop the popular craze.
By believers the table was made to serve as a means of communicating with the spirits; the alphabet would be slowly called over and the table would tilt at the appropriate letter, thus spelling out words and sentences. Some Evangelical clergymen discovered by this means that the spirits who caused the movements were of a diabolic nature, and some amazing accounts were published in 1853 and 1854 of the revelations obtained from the talking tables.
Table-turning is still in vogue amongst spiritualist circles. The device was employed with success by Professor Charles Richet and others in thought-transference experiments.
See A. E. de Gasparin, Des Tables tournantes, du Surnaturel, &c. (Paris, 1854); Thury, Des Tables tournantes (Geneva, 1855); Faraday's letter on Table-turning in The Times, 30th June 1853. Quarterly Review, Sept. 1853—article by Carpenter on Spiritualism, &c.; Mrs De Morgan, From Matter to Spirit (London, 1863); Ch. Richet, Proceedings S.P.R., vol. v. F. Podmore, Modern Spiritualism (London, 1902), ii. 7–21, gives an account of the movement in 1853, with references to contemporary pamphlets and newspaper articles.
(F. P.)
Tablinum (or tabulinum, from tabula, board, picture), in Roman architecture, the name given to an apartment generally situated on one side of the atrium and opposite to the entrance; it opened in the rear on to the peristyle, with either a large window or only an anteroom or curtain. The walls were richly decorated with fresco pictures, and busts of the family were arranged on pedestals on the two sides of the room.
Taboo (also written tapu and tabu), the Polynesian name given to prohibitions enforced by religious or magical sanctions. As a verb it means to “prohibit,” as an adjective “prohibited, sacred, dangerous, unclean.”
1. The word “taboo” or its dialectical forms are found throughout Polynesia; in Melanesia the term is tambu; in various parts of Malaysia and the East Indies pantang, bobosso, pamalli, &c.; in Madagascar fadi includes taboo; in North America the Dakota term wakart bears a similar meaning. Taboo is perhaps derived from ta, to mark, and pu, an adverb of intensity.
2. Fundamental Ideas.—In taboo proper are combined two notions which with the progress of civilization have become differentiated—(i) sacred and (ii.) impure, or unclean; it must be borne in mind that the impurity is sacred, and is not derived from contact with common things. It does not imply any moral quality; it has been defined as an indication of “a connexion with the gods, or a separation from ordinary purposes and exclusive appropriation to persons or things considered sacred; sometimes it means devoted by a vow.” This definition does not cover the whole connotation of taboo as it is employed at the present day, but it indicates clearly the non-moral character of the idea. The ordinary usage is perhaps best defined—the statement that taboo is “negative magic,” i.e. abstinence from certain acts, in order that undesired magical results may not follow; in this sense a taboo is simply a ritual prohibition. Properly speaking taboo includes only (a) the sacred (or unclean) character of persons or things, (b) the kind of prohibition which results from this character, and (c) the sanctity (or uncleanness) which results from a violation of the prohibition. The converse of taboo in Polynesia is noa and allied forms, which mean “general” or “common”; by a curious coincidence noa is the term used in Central Australia to express the relation of persons of opposite sexes on whose intercourse there is no restriction.
3. Classification.—Various classes of taboo in the wider sense may be distinguished: (i) natural or direct, the result of mana (mysterious power) inherent in a person or thing; (ii.) communicated or indirect, equally the result of mana, but (a) acquired or (b) imposed by a priest, chief or other person; (iii.) intermediate, where both factors are present, as in the appropriation of a wife to her husband. These three classes are those of taboo proper. The term taboo is also applied to ritual prohibitions of a different nature; but its use in these senses is better avoided. It might be argued that the term should be extended to embrace cases in which the sanction of the prohibition is the creation of a god or spirit, i.e. to religious interdictions as distinguished from magical, but there is neither automatic action nor contagion in such a case, and a better term for it is Religious interdiction.
4. Objects.—The objects of taboo are many: (i.) direct taboos aim at (a) the protection of important persons—chiefs, priests, &c.-and things against harm; (b) the safeguarding
