perhaps not far distant, when the United States will become confident of a degree of strength that cannot require such a {167} complete co-operation as heretofore in repelling the attacks of foreign force?
If the slave-holding party persist in the extension of the abuse, it would well become them to give up their constitutional claims for calling forth the militia of northern states "to suppress insurrections," and for protecting them "against domestic violence," so far as slaves may be the future disturbers of the peace. Whether they make such a fair concession or not, it is for them to reflect whether their northern neighbours, who have so uniformly and so wisely opposed the evil, and who have so humanely laboured to eradicate it from amongst themselves, will be willing to imbrue their hands in the blood of the injured people who have never excited any of their feelings except pity.
So long as the Missouri question remains unsettled, a hope may be entertained that liberal sentiments may prevail. The northern people seem to be almost universally in favour of the restriction, and a part of the finest feelings, and the brightest talents in the Southern States, are ranged on the side of humanity.
LETTER XIV
Lawyers—Doctors—Clergy—Mechanics—Justices
of the Peace—Anecdotes—Punishments—Reflections.
Jeffersonville, (Indiana,)
March 10, 1819.
The greater part of my letters from America have hitherto been addressed to our late brother John. Since
