members of a civilized community. The existence of a poor law system still further complicates the matter; for by the emigration of paupers, the local taxes of the sending country are relieved, and the inhabitants of the country of immigration may be compelled to contribute to the support of persons who have no real claim on them. At the same time it may be said that there is no proof that the class of emigrants ever reached a high standard. An analysis of the occupations of immigrants to the United States during the decade 1877-86, as given in Table XII., will clearly show that unskilled labourers formed the largest proportion of the immigrants. Still the belief in a deterioration of character in the later arrivals, may, even though it is quite unfounded, seriously affect future legislation.
It therefore becomes a matter of great interest to consider what would be the effect of this threatened change of policy in new countries on the fortunes of older ones. So far as most, indeed all, European countries are concerned, it is evident that either a diminished birth-rate, or emigration, is essential for the maintenance of even the low standard of comfort that at present exists. No legislative or social changes can greatly alter the relation of subsistence to population. Peasant-proprietary, whatever be its social and economic advantages, cannot meet this fundamental difficulty, as the case of France, and, to take a nearer instance, the Channel Islands show. Nor can any extension of non-agricultural employments give more than a temporary relief. Nothing is to be gained by shutting our eyes to the facts that emigration is a vital need, and that the conditions on which it can be carried on are rapidly changing. The emigrants that new countries will care to get are not those that we want to leave us, while those we can best spare are not likely to be willingly received. Under such circumstances, the plans of state-aided emigration, put forward with too much persistency, seems to me to be sadly mistaken. The least objectionable form that such plans have ever taken is perhaps that put forward by the Earl of Meath, when he says:—
"All that the association desires is that the British government shall, in conjunction with the colonial authorities, draw up a well-considered scheme of emigration and colonisation, by means of which able-bodied and industrious men, who may not be possessed of the means necessary to enable them to emigrate, shall be provided with the means of colonising, or of emigrating with their families under the strictest possible guarantee that the money shall be repaid with easy interest within a certain number of years."[1]
It is only necessary to carefully examine this passage to see the difficulties of the proposal. In the first place it would require a costly and complicated machinery for its working. It is, I am aware, a preliminary assumption in all these plans that they are to work without flaws. Red-tape and officialism are to be laid aside, and perfect organisation is to take their place. But without being unduly sceptical in the powers of governmental departments, one may like to get something beyond the statements of advocates, as a ground for adopting this amiable belief. Again, it seems to be quite
- ↑ Social Arrows, p. 151.
