1155-1235.] ROME 795
PC ular ra' In- tin and co iter- ro'hi- t.i( of tlnris- toacy.
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pt'ect bomes icdi- r* , Iioce'.it I. sets t> fcate. April 1191. Thus the powerful counts of Tusculum disappeared; they sought refuge in the Campagna, and according to all probability the no less potent family of the Colonna sprang from their line. In consequence of these events, the nobles realized that the papacy sought to reduce them to vassalage. And, seeing that the republic remained firmly established and able to help them, they began to adhere to it and succeeded in obtaining admission to the new senate. In fact, whereas since 1143 plebeians and petty nobles had prevailed in its ranks, nobles of ancient descent are now found outnumbering the knights and burghers. But in 1191 this state of things caused a sudden popular outbreak which abolished the aristocratic senate and gave the headship of the republic to a single senator, summus senator, named Benedetto "Carissimus" or "Cams Homo" or "Carosomo," of unknown, but undoubtedly plebeian, origin. During the two years he remained in office this personage stripped the pope of his revenues, despatched justitiarii even to the provinces, and with the aid of the parliament and other popular assemblies promulgated laws and statutes. But he was overthrown by a counter-revolution, and Giovanni Capoccio of the party of the nobles became senator for two years, and had been succeeded by one of the Pierleoni when, in 1197, a fresh revolution re-established a senate of fifty-six members, chiefly consisting of feudal barons in high favour with Henry VI., who had revived the imperial faction in Rome. But this emperor's life ended the same year as the pope's, in 1198, and the new pontiff Innocent III. (1198-1216) began to make war on the nobles, who were again masters of the republic. Their leader was the prefect Pietro di Vico. Owing to the revolution of 1143 most of the prefectorial: attributes were now vested in the senate; nevertheless Pietro still retained a tribunal of police both within and without the city. But his main strength was derived from the vast possessions of the Vico family, in which the office of prefect now became hereditary. Very soon, however, these prefects of Vico were chiefly regarded as the great feudal lords of Tuscia, and the independent municipal office lost its true character. Then the popes made a point of according great pomp and dignity to this nominal prefect, in order to overshadow the senator, who still represented the independence of the republic and had assumed many of the attributes wrested from the prefect. But Innocent III., dissatisfied with this state of things, contrived by bribing the people to arrogate to himself the right of electing the senator, who had now to swear fealty and submission to the pope, and also that of nominating the provincial justitiarii, formerly chosen by the Govern- ment of the Capitol. This was a deadly blow to the republic, for the principal rights of the people, i.e., the elec- tion of pope and emperor, prefect and senate, were now lost. The general discontent provoked fresh revolutions, and Innocent III. employed all his political dexterity to ward off their effects. But shortly afterwards the people made a loud outcry for a senate of fifty-six members ; and the pope, again making a virtue of necessity, caused that number to be chosen by twelve mediani specially named by him for the purpose. Even this did not calm the popular discontent, which was also stirred by other dis- putes. The consequence was that when, six months later, the pope again 'elected a single senator the Romans rose to arms, and in 1204 formed a Government of Buoni Uomini in opposition to that created by the pope. But an amicable arrangement being concluded, the pope once more nominated fifty-six senators ; and when, soon after, he again reduced them to one, the people were too weary to resist (1205). Thus the Capitol was subdued, and Innocent III. spent his last years in tranquillity. On the 22d November 1220 Honorius III. (1216-27) conferred the imperial crown on Frederick II., who con- firmed to the church the possession of her former states, of those bequeathed to her by countess Matilda, and even of the March of Ancona. But it was soon seen that he sought to dominate all Italy, and was therefore a foe to be dreaded. The successor of Honorius, Pope Gregory The IX. (1227-41) was speedily insulted and put to flight by republic the Ghibelline nobles, whose courage had revived, and the y e & ain8 republic began to subdue the Latian cities on its own ^cef " account. Peace was several times made and unmade by pope and people ; but no enduring harmony was possible between them, since the former wished to subject the entire state to the church, and the latter to escape from the rule of the church and hold sway over " the universal land from Ceprano to Radicofani " formerly a belonging to the duchy. Accordingly the Roman people now appointed judges, imposed taxes, issued coin, and made the clergy amenable to secular tribunals. In 1234 the senator Luca Savelli published an edict declaring Tuscia and Campania territories of the republic, and sent judges thither to exact an oath of obedience. He also despatched the militia to the coast, where it occupied several cities and erected fortresses ; and columns were raised everywhere inscribed with the initials S. P. Q. R. The pope, unable to prevent but equally unable to tolerate these acts, fled from Rome, hurling his ariathema against Savelli, " et omnes illos con- siliarios urbis quorum consilio," &c. The Romans sacked the Lateran and the houses of many cardinals, and marched on Viterbo, but were driven back by the papal troops. When Savelli left office and Angelo Malabranca The was elected in his stead, the people made peace and sub- re P ut) lic mission in 1235, and were obliged to give up their preten- " ^ sions of subjecting the clergy to ordinary tribunals and people, the urban territory to the republic. Thus matters were virtually settled on the footing established by Innocent III., thanks to the aid given to the pope by Frederick II., who had been one of the promoters of the rebellion. It may appear strange that, at this period of their history, the Romans, after showing such tenacious adher- ence to the republic and senate, should have accepted the rule of a single senator without rushing to arms, and passed and repassed from one form of government to another with such surprising indifference. But on closer examination it is plain that these changes were greater in appearance than reality. We have already seen, in treat- ing of Carosomo, how the single senator convoked the people in parliament to pass sanction on the laws. But, Formatii whenever there is only one senator, we also continually meet with the expression " consilium vel consilia urbis." It is evident that when, instead of laws to be approved in councils, parliament by a simple placet or rejected by a non-placet, matters requiring consideration had to be discussed, the senator convoked a much smaller council, consisting only of the leaders of the people. These leaders were the heads of the twelve or thirteen regions, of the guilds, now becoming organized and soon to be also thirteen in number, and of the militia. As in the other Italian republics, all these associations had been formed in Rome. The senator therefore held consultation with the leading men of the city ; and, although, especially at first, these meetings were rather loosely organized, it is clear that they took the form of two councils one numerous (con- siglio maggiore), the other limited (consiglio minore or specials), co-operating with and forming part of the first. Such was the prevailing custom throughout Italy at the time when Roman institutions most nearly resembled those of the other republics. We already know that, from the date of Arnold's reforms, the senate, with its junta of counsellors, had been divided into two parts, forming when
