Page:Encyclopædia Britannica, Ninth Edition, v. 6.djvu/108

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COBDEN Cobden and Milner Gibson to "become members of his government. In a frank, cordial letter which was delivered to Cobden on his lauding in Liverpool, Lord Palmerston offered him the Presidency of the Board of Trade, with a seat in the Cabinet. Many of his friends urgently pressed him to accept ; but without a moment s hesitation _ he determined to decline the proposed honour. On his arrival in London he called on Lord Palmerston, and with the utmost frankness told hiui that he had opposed and denounced him so frequently in public, and that he still differed so widely from his views, especially on questions of foreign policy, that he could not, without doing violence to his own sense of duty and consistency, serve under him as minister. Lord Palmerston tried good-humouredly to combat his objections, but without success. But though he declined to share the responsibility of Lord Palmerston s administration, he was willing to act as its representative in promoting freer commercial intercourse between England and France. But the negotiations for this purpose originated with himself in conjunction with Mr Bright and M. Michel Chevalier. Towards the close of 1859 he called upon Lord Palmerston, Lord John Russell, and Mr Gladstone, and signified his intention to visit France and get into communication with the emperor and his ministers, with a view to promote this object. These statesmen expressed in general terms their approval of his purpose, but he went entirely on his own account, clothed at first with no official authority. His name, however, carried an authority of its own. On his arrival in Paris he had a long audience with Napoleon, in which he urged many arguments in favour of removing those obstacles which prevented the two countries from being brought into closer dependence OK. one another, and he succeeded in making a considerable impression on his mind in favour of free trade. He then addressed himself to the French ministers, and had much earnest conversation, especially with M. Fould, Ministre d Etat, and M. Rouher, minister of commerce, both of whom, and especially the latter, he found well inclined to the economical and commercial principles which ho advocated. After a good deal of time spent in these preliminary and unofficial negotiations, the question of a treaty of commerce between the two countries having entered into the arena of diplomacy, Cobden was requested by the British Government to act as their plenipotentiary in the matter in conjunction with Lord Cowley, their ambassador in France. But it proved a very long and laborious undertaking. He had to contend with the bitter hostility of the French protectionists, which occasioned a good deal of vacillation on the part of the emperor and his ministers. There were also delays, hesitations, and cavils at home, which were more inexpli cable. He was, moreover, assailed with great violence by a powerful section of the English press, while the large number of minute details with which he had to deal in connection with proposed changes in the French tariff, involved a tax on his patience and industry which would have daunted a less resolute man. But there was one source of embarrassment greater than all the rest. One strong motive which had impelled him to engage in this enterprise was his anxious desire to establish more friendly relations between England and France, and to dispel those feelings of mutual jealousy and alarm which were so frequently breaking forth and jeopardizing peace between the two countries. This was the most powerful argument with which he had plied the emperor and the members of the French Government, and which he had found most efficacious _vith them. But unhappily, while he was in the very thick of the negotatious, Lord Palmerston brought forward in the House of Commons a measure for fortifying the naval arsenals of England, which he introduced in a warlike speech pointedly directed against France, as the source of danger of invasion and attack, against which it was necessary to guard. This produced irritation and resentment in Paris, and but for the influence which Cobden had acquired, and the perfect trust reposed in his sincerity, the negotiations would probably have been alto gether wrecked. At last, however, after nearly twelve months incessant labour, the work was completed in November 1860. "Rare," said Mr Gladstone, " is the privilege of any man who, having fourteen years ago rendered to his country one signal service, now again, within the same brief span, of life, decorated neither by land nor title, bearing no mark to distinguish him from the people he loves, has been permitted to perform another great and memorable service to his sovereign and his country." On the conclusion of this work honours were offered to Cobden by the Governments of both the countries which he had so greatly benefited. Lord Palmerston offered him a baronetcy and a seat in the Privy Council, and the emperor of the French would gladly have conferred upon him some distinguished mark of his favour. But with characteristic disinterestedness and modesty he declined all such honours. It has already been remarked that Cobdeu s efforts in furtherance of free trade were always subordinated to the highest moral purposes the promotion of peace on earth and good-will among men. This was his desire and hope as respects the Commercial Treaty with France. He was therefore deeply disappointed and distressed to find the old feeling of distrust towards our neighbours still actively fomented by the press and some of the leading politicians of the country. He therefore, in 1862, published his pamphlet entitled The Three Panics, the object of which was to trace the history and expose the folly of those periodical visitations of alarm, as respects the designs of our neighbours with which this country had been afflicted for the preceding fifteen or sixteen years. There was one other conspicuous service which Cobden rendered, or tried to render, to his country before his death. When the great civil war threatened to break out in the United States, it was matter to him of profound affliction. But after the conflict became inevitable his sympathies were wholly with the North, because the South was fighting for slavery. His great anxiety, however, was that the British nation should not be committed to any unworthy course during the progress of that struggle. And when our relations with America were becoming critical and menacing in consequence of the depredations committed on American commerce by vessels issuing from British ports, he brought the question before the House of Commons in a series of speeches of rare clearness and force, in which he pointed out the perilous responsibilities we were incurring by connivance or neglect in regard to those vessels. He was first attacked with great animosity both in and out of Parliament for taking this line, but after results amply vindicated his political sagacity and patriotism. For several years Cobden had been suffering severely at intervals from bronchial irritation and a difficulty of breathing. Owing to this he had spent the winter of 1860 in Algeria, and every subsequent winter he had to be very careful and confine himself to the house, especially in damp and foggy weather. In November 1864 he went down to Rochdale and delivered a speech to his consti tuents the last heeverdelivered. That effort was followed by great physical prostration, and he determined not to quit his retirement at Midhurst until spring had fairly set in. But in the month of March there were discussions in the House of Commons on the alleged necessity of

constructing large defensive works in Canada. He was