a precisely similar danger, Mustapha Kemal at once cut off the Khalifat from the Assembly and considerably limited the power of the Hodjas, a far more difficult operation than French disestablishment. Yet we expect him a second time to expose himself to the intrigues of a Greek Patriarch!
He is, as a fact, far more leniently inclined towards the Greeks and Armenians than any other Turkish statesman. He sees even their wanton destruction of Anatolia as no more than the outburst of a misguided people, the victims of bigger, intriguing Powers. He would rather welcome their return to loyalty than give their place in commerce to the Jews, from the humane conviction that they have no homes outside Turkey.
The home life of Mustapha Kemal, literally given to his country, involves severe daily self-sacrifice. From month to month he allows himself no recreation, no change of scene, no intercourse with the world's culture. Among these lonely mountains he cannot break the monotony by going to a play or to a concert; he does not hunt or follow any kind of sport; and even Nature, at least in winter, is scarcely kind.
His life is one of continual mental and physical effort: reading, studying, and planning, seeing everyone, for they all want to see "The Pasha" and not the second in command. To me he seems like a professor, who must be forever explaining to his people what their Nationalism really means. Perhaps the nearest historical parallel to his abounding personality is that of Julius Cæsar; and one is tempted to hope that he, too, may find time to leave us the "Commentaries." The world would know how to value what the Turks need put on record, the thought of this keen and alert mind which is able to interpret, if not supplement, the Koran for modern conditions and aspirations. They have, as it were, many centuries of progress to catch up; and, fortunately, he is no blind respecter of tyrannical religious or historic traditions that hamper
