and betray their constituents, how has it happened that we are at this time a free and independent Nation? The Congress which conducted us through the Revolution were a less numerous body than their successors will be: they were not chosen by, nor responsible to, their fellow-citizens at large: though appointed from year to year, and recallable at pleasure, they were generally continued for three years, and, prior to the ratification of the Fœderal Articles, for a still longer term: they held their consultations always under the veil of secrecy: they had the sole transaction of our affairs with foreign nations: through the whole course of the war, they had the fate of their country more in their hands, than it is to be hoped will ever be the case with our future Representatives; and from the greatness of the prize at stake, and the eagerness of the party which lost it, it may well be supposed, that the use of other means than force would not have been scrupled: yet we know by happy experience, that the public trust was not betrayed; nor has the purity of our public councils in this particular ever suffered, even from the whispers of calumny.
Is the danger apprehended from the other branches of the Fœderal Government? But where are the means to be found by the President, or the Senate, or both? Their emoluments of office, it is to be presumed, will not, and without a previous corruption of the House of Representatives cannot, more than suffice for very different purposes; their private fortunes, as they must all be American citizens, cannot possibly be sources of danger. The only means then which they can possess, will be in the dispensation of appointments. Is it here that suspicion rests her charge? Sometimes we are told, that this fund of corruption is to be exhausted by the President, in subduing the virtue of the Senate. Now, the fidelity of the other House is to be the victim. The
