compel the inhabitants of cities to be moral, and pay them out of the state treasury.
LII
It is, however, a curious characteristic of our
people, or of the vocal minority of them, that while
they insist on every possible interference with every
private and personal right, in the field of moral
conduct, they nevertheless will tolerate no interference
whatever with property rights. Thus it was
precisely as Cossacks that many employers of labor
insisted on my using the police to cow their work-**men
whenever there was a strike.
During my first term it befell that our city was torn by strikes, all the union machinists in town walked out, then the moulders, and at last a great factory wherein automobiles were made was "struck," as the workingmen say. It is impossible to give an idea of the worry such a condition causes officials. It is more than that sensation of weariness, of irritation, even of disgust, which it causes the general public. This is due partly to the resentment created by the interference with physical comfort, and even peace of mind, since there is in us all something more than a fear of disorder and tumult, in that innate love of harmony which exists potentially in humanity. But to the official there is a greater difficulty because of the responsibility to which he is held. People intuitively regard strikers as public enemies, and while the blame
