(only in Nu 117, before Maqqeph), חֲדַר Ju 324 (but Ct 34 חֶ֫דֶר), נְטַע, סְחַר as well as זֶ֫רַע, &c.; cf., moreover, קְחַת 2 K 129 (for קַ֫חַת, infin. constr. from לָקַח).
[i] C. The ־ָה locale is, according to § 90 i, regularly added to the already developed form, e.g. נֶ֫גְדָה ψ 11614.18: הַפֶּ֑תְחָה Gn 196, to the door; but also with a firmly closed syllable נֶ֫גְבָּה Ex 4024; under the influence of a guttural or ר, חַ֫דְרָה, אַ֫רְצָה, in pause אָ֫רְצָה (cf. גָּ֫זְרָה 1 Ch 1416, from גֶּ֫זֶר).
[k] D. The suffixes of the singular are likewise added to the ground-form, but forms with middle guttural take Ḥaṭeph-Pathaḥ instead of the Šewâ quiescens; נַֽעֲרִי, &c. (but also לַחְמִי, זַעְמִי, &c.). In a rather large number of qăṭl-forms, however, before suffixes in the sing., as well as in the constr. st. plur. and dual, the ă of the first syllable is attenuated to ĭ,[1] thus בִּטְנִי my womb, יִתְרוֹ; so in בֶּ֫גֶד, בֶּ֫צַע, גֶּ֫זַע, זֶ֫בַח, טֶ֫בַח, פֶּ֫שַׁע, פֶּ֫תַח, צֶ֫דֶק, קֶ֫בֶר, קֶ֫רֶב, רֶ֫שַׁע, שֶׁ֫מֶשׁ, and many others. In some cases of this kind besides the form with ă there most probably existed another with original ĭ in the first syllable; thus certainly with יֵ֫שַׁע beside יֶ֫שַׁע, נֵ֫צַח beside נֶ֫צַ֫ח, &c. (According to the Diqduqe ha-ṭeamim, § 36, the absolute st. in such cases takes è, the constr. ē; cf. נֶ֫דֶר Nu 304 (absol.) and נֵ֫דֶר 3010 (constr.); שֶׁ֫בֶר Lv 2420 (absol.) and שֵׁ֫בֶר Am 66 (constr.). According to this theory[2] פֵּ֫לֶא (so the best authorities) Is 95 would be the constr. st., although the accentuation requires an absol. st.)—A weakening of the firmly closed syllable occurs in בִּגְדִי, &c. from בֶּ֫גֶד and יִקְבֶ֫ךָ Dt 1514, 1613, in both cases evidently owing to the influence of the palatal in the middle of the stem. With Seghôl for ĭ: הֶבְלִי, יֶשְׁעֲךָ, נֶגְדִּי, &c.
[l] E. In the plural the termination וֹת is found as well as ־ִים, e.g. נְפָשׁוֹת, עֲצָמוֹת together with נְפָשִׁים (Ez 1320 [but read חָפְשִׁים; see comm.]), &c., constr. st. נַפְשׁוֹת. Other nouns have only the ending וֹת, e.g. אֲרָצוֹת, constr. אַרְצוֹת from אֶ֫רֶץ. Without Qaṃeṣ before the ending ־ִים we find רַֽחֲמִים (bowels) mercy. On the numerals עֶשְׂרִים twenty, &c., cf. § 97 f, note 2. Moreover a is not inserted before plural suffixes with the tone on the penultima in אַשְׁרֶ֫יךָ, &c., properly thy happiness! (a word which is only used in the constr. st. pl. and at an early period became stereotyped as a kind of interjection).
[m] F. In the constr. st. plural a firmly closed syllable is sometimes found, contrary to the rule, e.g. כַּסְפֵּיהֶם Gn 4225.35; רִשְׁפֵּי Ct 86 (רִשְׁפֵי ψ 764); טַרְפֵּי Ez 179; צִמְדֵּי Is 510, and so always in נִסְכֵּיכֶם Nu 2939, נִסְכֵּיהֶם ψ 164, &c. (on the other hand, according to the best authorities not in חַסְדֵי Is 553, &c., though in ψ 10743 Ginsburg reads חַסְדֵּי); cf. § 46 d. Even with a middle guttural בַּעְלֵיהֶן Est 117.20.—The attenuation of ă to ĭ also occurs sometimes in this form (see above, k), e.g. זִבְחֵי, &c., even יִלְדֵי Is 574 beside יַלְדֵי Ho 12, &c.
[n] G. In the dual absol. beside forms like רַגְלַ֫יִם feet, with suff. רַגְלֶ֫יךָ, רַגְלָיו, &c. אַלְפַּ֫יִם two thousand, נַֽעֲלַ֫יִם sandals, בִּרְכַּ֫יִם knees (ă attenuated to ĭ, constr. st. בִּרְכֵּי with a firmly closed syllable), with suffixes בִּרְכַּי, &c. (cf., however, בִּרְכֵיהֶם Ju 76), forms with pretonic Qameṣ are also found (in consequence of the
