judicious one. He was of a family of great respectability, and deservedly respected. He had courteous and conciliating manners, possessed a gentlemanly appearance, and was a pleasing speaker. He was a great favourite with his party, and was looked upon by his political opponents with much indulgence—the more, perhaps, because they saw very little danger of his being elected member for Manchester. He could not expect to be returned for such a town for his conservatism alone. It was necessary that he should promise some advantages to a manufacturing constituency, and, on his appearance in the Exchange Dining-room, on the 24th July, after stating that although he had opposed the Reform Bill as it then stood, he was bound to acquiesce in the decision of the legislature, he acknowledged the necessity of some change in the government of India; and declared, amidst loud cheers, that he was fully prepared to open a free commercial intercourse with that country. His feelings, he said, were in favour of the abolition of slavery in our West Indian colonies, but he was afraid that the emancipation would cause an increase of slave labour in the countries over which we had no control, and that therefore he could not support any equalization of the sugar duties. He thought British agriculture required protection, but would prefer a moderate fixed duty to a sliding scale. I was curious to learn what Mr. Hope would think a moderate duty, and asked how much he would have it to be. A perfect hurricane of groans and angry shouts arose, and an obvious determination was shown that the question should not be answered. I waited till it subsided, and again asked, "How much?" The storm was renewed. Again I waited till it was over, and again asked, "How much?" Mr. Hope seemed to be ashamed of the violence manifested by his supporters, but afraid of giving a distinct answer, and he resumed his speech by saying, "I shall be glad to meet all the difficulties by which I know
