Page:James Bryce American Commonwealth vol 1.djvu/400

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378
THE NATIONAL GOVERNMENT
PART I

Now the doctrines laid down by Chief-Justice Marshall, and on which the courts have constantly since proceeded, may be summed up in two propositions.

1. Every power alleged to be vested in the National government, or any organ thereof, must be affirmatively shown to have been granted. There is no presumption in favour of the existence of a power; on the contrary, the burden of proof lies on those who assert its existence, to point out something in the Constitution which, either expressly or by necessary implication, confers it. Just as an agent, claiming to act on behalf of his principal, must make out by positive evidence that his principal gave him the authority he relies on; so Congress, or those who rely on one of its statutes, are bound to show that the people have authorized the legislature to pass the statute. The search for the power will be conducted in a spirit of strict exactitude, and if there be found in the Constitution nothing which directly or impliedly conveys it, then whatever the executive or legislature of the National government, or both of them together, may have done in the persuasion of its existence, must be deemed null and void, like the act of any other unauthorized agent.[1]

2. When once the grant of a power by the people to the National government has been established, that power will be construed broadly. The strictness applied in determining its existence gives place to liberality in supporting its application. The people — so Marshall and his successors have argued — when they confer a power, must be deemed to confer a wide discretion as to the means whereby it is to be used in their service. For their main object is that it should be used vigorously and wisely, which it cannot be if the choice of methods is narrowly restricted; and while the people may well be chary in delegating powers to their agents, they must be presumed, when they do grant these powers, to grant them with confidence in the

  1. For instance, several years ago a person summoned as a witness before a committee of the House of Representatives was imprisoned by order of the House for refusing to answer certain questions put to him. He sued the sergeant-at-arms for false imprisonment, and recovered damages, the Supreme court holding that as the Constitution could not be shown to have conferred on either House of Congress any power to punish for contempt, that power (though frequently theretofore exercised) did not exist, and the order of the House therefore constituted no defence for the sergeant's act (Kilbourn v. Thompson, 103 United States, 168).