peared in our own country, in advocacy of organic reforms, whose writers seem unconscious that they are repeating points made by Randolph a hundred years ago. But, while Randolph's genius was philosophical, his public responsibilities made him practical. There was nothing of the "irreconcilable" about him. His unpublished letters to Madison (for which I am indebted to Mr. McGuire, of Washington) cast interesting light upon the further course of this leader of the recusants, on whom, more than any other, depended the immediate fate of the new Constitution. The Convention of 1787 adjourned finally on September 17. Randolph started with his wife on their Southern journey. From "Bowling Green (Va.), September 30," he writes to Madison, "Baltimore resounds with friendship for the new Constitution, and Mr. Chase's election depends, as it is said, upon his opinion concerning it. He waited on me with an expectation, I suspect, of learning something to foster his opposition. I was prepared, because I had heard of his harangue to the people of Wells Point the night before I saw him. It was represented to me that, after he had finished his speech, Col. Wm. [?] Smith and Mr. Zebulon Hollingsworth asked him whether he espoused the Constitution or not. He replied to this effect: 'Here, gentlemen, is a form of government' (pulling out the Maryland Act) 'under which we have lived happily for more than ten years. Shall we make a new experiment precipitately? Are we to pay taxes indefinitely, have our militia led from one end of the country to the other, and be dragooned by a standing army if we fail in the smallest article of duty? But—I have not made up my mind.' However, in the discourse between us, although he discovered a tendency to reject the Constitution unless amended, he declared he would labor to establish a federal government.—In Bladensburg the Constitution is approved. In Alexandria the inhabitants are enthusiastic, and instructions to force my dissenting colleague to assent to a convention are on the anvil. I wrote to him yesterday suggesting to him this expedient: to urge the calling of a convention as the first act of the Assembly: if they should wish amendments let them be stated and forwarded to the States. Before the meeting of the convention an answer may be obtained. If the proposed amendments be rejected, let the Constitution immediately operate: if approved by nine States, let the assent of our convention be given under the exceptions of the points amended. This will, I believe, blunt the opposition, which will be formidable, if they must take altogether or reject. The re-eligibility of the President and Senate has excited Mr. James Mercer's resentment, and he positively objects to the Constitution without amendments. I learn nothing Mr. Henry, nor of Mr. Pendleton, except that he is almost perfectly recovered."
From Richmond (October 23, 1787) he writes to Madison, "The first raptures in favor of the Constitution were excessive. Every town resounded with applause. The conjectures of my reasons for refusing to sign were extraordinary, and so far malicious as to suppose that I was chagrined at not carrying every point in my own way, or that I sought for popularity. These were the effluvia until the Assembly met. A diversity of opinion appeared immediately on the convening
