with a man’: Gk. κεῖται ‘lies’, O. E. hǣman ‘lie with, espouse’, O.H.G. hīwo ‘husband’, E. home, W. cu, Lat. cīvis § 110 iii (1).
(9) cỿf- before vowels and i̯, l, r, n; cỿ- before w̯‑, chw̯‑, h‑; with following s‑, cỿs‑; elsewhere cỿ(m)‑, cỿn‑, cy(ng)- [nasal]; < Kelt. *kom‑: Lat. com‑; (a) ‘com‑’, often followed by â ‘with’, cỿ́f-ar ‘co-tillage’; cỿ́f-liw, cỿ́f-urẟ, etc. § 149 ii; cỿ́f-ran ‘share’: rhan ‘part’; cỿ́mod ‘concord’: bod ‘be’; cỿ́n-n(h)wrf ‘commotion’: twrf; cỿngháneẟ ‘harmony’: cân ‘song’; cystal § 148 i (4).—(b) Intensive (‘together’ > ‘fully’); cỿflawn ‘complete’: llawn ‘full’; cyf-lym ‘fleet’: llym ‘keen’. A few irregular forms are found, which are due to false analogy, as cỿ́f-ẟyẟ ‘dawn’, formed after cýf-nos ‘evening’.
The form *ko- (beside *kom‑) goes back to Italo-Kelt. It occurs before u̯- as W. cýwir, Ir. coïr < *ko-u̯īros; before m‑, as W. cof ‘memory’, Ir. cuman < *ko-men‑, √men- ‘mind’ (but later *kom- as in W. cymysg (m ≡ mm)); sometimes before sq‑, squ̯‑, s‑, as W. cy-húddo ‘to accuse’: Icel. skúta, skúti ‘a taunt’, O.Bulg. kuditi ‘to revile’, Gk. κυδάζειν 'to reproach', √(s)qeud‑; see § 96 iii; cy-háfal ‘co-equal’: hafal § 94 i.
cỿfr- [soft] < *kom-(p)ro- § 113 i (2); intensive, as cỿ́fr-goll ‘utter loss, perdition’; cỿ́fr-w̯ɥs (generally mis-pronounced cỿ́fr-w͡ys) ‘trained, cunning’: gwɥ̂s ‘known’; cỿ́fr-gain (kywrgein b.b. 10) ‘very fine’.—cỿfr‑r- > cỿfrh- > cyffr as in cyffrédin ‘common’ < *cỿfr-red-in; amgýffred ‘comprehend’ < *am-gyfr-red: rhedeg ‘run’; the O.W. amcibret may represent the stage amgyfr͑ed.
(10) cyn(nh)- [soft] ‘former, preceding’ < Brit. *kintu- § 148 i (3); cỿnh-áeaf ‘autumn’: gaeaf ‘winter’; cỿ́n-ddail ‘first leaves’, cỿ́n-ddelw̯ ‘prototype’; the t is kept before h § 106 iii (3), as cỿ́ntaid for *cynt-haid ‘first swarm’ (of bees); in the form cɥ̆n it is used to construct new loose compounds as cɥ́n fáer ‘ex-mayor’, etc.
(11) di- [soft] < Kelt. *dī- < *dē‑: Lat. dē. Two meanings: (a) ‘outer, extreme, off’, as dí-ben ‘end, aim’: pen ‘head, end’; dí-dol, Ml. dí-dawl ‘cut off, separated’, see below; di-nóethi v.n. ‘de-nude’; (b) ‘without’, as dí-boen or dí bóen ‘painless’, dí-dduw or dí ddúw ‘godless’, etc. In this sense it is freely used to form new compounds, mostly loose, by being put before any noun or v.n., or even a v.n. phrase, as di alw am dano ‘un-called-for’; but, though loose, the expression is still a compound, thus di gefn wyf c.c. 184 ‘helpless am I’, exactly like gwan wyf ‘weak am I’, as opposed to heb gefn, yr wyf ‘without help am I’, the un-compounded phrase heb gefn, requiring yr after it. The compound is an adj. made from a phrase in which the prep. dī governs the noun; the formation is old, and gave rise at an early period to the idea that dī was a negative prefix, which therefore might be compounded with adjectives; thus dí-og ‘lazy’, O.W. di-auc: *auc ‘quick, active’: Gk. ὠκύς, Lat. ōcior; so dí-brin ‘not scarce’, dí-drist ‘not sad’, dí-wael ‘not mean’, etc.—Lat. dē- seems to have been identified in Brit. with the
