Island had taken no lot nor part in the debate; she had accused no man nor combination of men, nor had given cause of offence; why should she be accused? Why this attack upon her?
Sir, my object only is to repel the imputations cast on that State, which has so long and so often honored me with its confidence, and on the yeomanry of that State, whose immediate Representative I am: for their occupation is my occupation; we are tillers of the gTOund from our youth up; with them I meet upon the level; republicans in fact and in deed; not only in profession, but practice; no landlord and tenant, no master nor slave, but all of us independent freemen and freeholders, cul. tivating our own soil with our own hands. We care but little who administers this Government, if it is done with wisdom, discretion, and on the principles of the constitution. We preferred Mr. Adams, but we do not oppose General Jackson; we are his friends, but not his partisans; we will give him our support when he is right, but will not when wrong; and if deserved, will bail him with the plaudit of " well done, thou good and faithful servant," as readily and as willingly as any others. It does not follow that, if we are friendly to one, we must therefore oppose another without reason. These, sir, arc the men in common with all others of my State that I mean to defend from all unjust imputations; and these are the persons accused here of severing husband and wife, mother and child, and rending asunder all the ties that bind man to man. Perhaps the gentleman did not intend bis accusation as censure, but as praise: for he asserted that slavery was justified by the principles of Christianity. If so, I have misapprehended the allegation: for I hold whatever is commanded and supported by Christianity is for the happiness and well being of man here and hereafter. If the forcible separation of husband and wife, mother and child, and keeping them in ignorance and bondage, is justified by the divine law, then 1 confess my error; but until he shows this, I shall cherish my own opinion, and call it slavery still. Sir, the gentleman exclaimed, " go to the East, go to Rhode Island: she can tell you how slaves came here." Sir, if slaves are found in the West, I know not how they came there, nor does Rhode Island know; they must have been carried there by force, and held by force, otherwise they would not be slaves. The native Indian roamed the wilderness as he pleased; he was as free as the mountain air he breathed; he acknowledged no master; he had no master. If slavery exists there, it was not found there. Sir, when we are told to go to a State for information, we understand it to mean the State in its sovereign capacity; or at least a majority of that State. [Mr. GRUNDY desired to explain. Sir, [said Mr. G.] I did not say that Rhode Island had done it; but that certain individuals of that State, tempted by their cupidity, had brought slaves here. The moral sense of that community is against it.] Sir, [said Mr. K.] had I so understood the gentleman before, I should not have made the remarks I now have; and will not now say what I intended to have done; and only add, that if the gentleman knows any individuals in Rhode Island who have aided him in making slaves in the West, he may arraign them, try them, and, if found guilty, punish three of the ringleaders under the " second section," so much alluded to here and elsewhere; not forgetting those who tempted, those who held forth the provoking gold, not in a bag, but in the open palm, and set them on. But, sir, it is hoped the gentleman will extend his mercy so far as to let them have the benefit of the statute of limitation. I repeat, it was the State I intended to defend; and if the gentlemen does not accuse, I have no defence to make. Mr. CLAYTON then rose, and addressed the Senate until after three o'clock. Wsdsesdat, March 3, 1830. The Senate was principally occupied this day in the consideration of Executive business.
Thubsday, March 4, 1830.
MR. FOOT'S RESOLUTION. .
Mr. CLAYTON concluded the observations on this subject which he commenced on Tuesday. They were as follow:
If I need an apology [Mr. C. remarked] for discussing topics not strictly relevant to the subject of the resolution before us, I shall find it in the example of honorable gentlemen, who, in going before me, have availed themselves, by general consent, of an opportunity to debate, on this motion, the full merits of other questions of momentous interest to our country. While the argument was of a sectional character, and chiefly calculated to excite personal and local feeling, I desired no participation in it. But, although generally averse to any deviation from the ordinary rules of parliamentary proceeding, and unwilling to originate any new subject of controversy even in the boundless latitude given to this discussion, I cannot be silent while principles are boldly advanced and pressed upon us, (no matter how inapplicable or inappropriate they may appear) which, in my judgment, are subversive of the interests of this nation, or hostile to the spirit of the Federal constitution.
The resolution of the honorable Senator from Connecticut has nothing imperative in its character. It lays down no new principle, and proposes no new course of legislation; but simply asks an inquiry into the expediency of either hastening the sales of the public domain, or of stopping the surveys for a limited period. The committee to whom the inquiry is proposed to be entrusted is composed of five members,* all of whom are Representatives of States within whose limits are contained large portions of the public lands. Seeing in this fact a sufficient refutation of the objection that this inquiry may create unnecessary alarm in the West; entertaining the same confidence in the honorable members of that committee which others have professed; believing that the subject proposed to be referred to them is important to the country, and that, by the adoption of the resolution, we may be furnished with an interesting document in their report, my own vote will be given against the motion for indefinite postponement. I agree with my honorable friend from Massachusetts, [Mr. Widstkb] that the committee may investigate the whole subject without any express instructions. By the rules of the Senate, they already have full jurisdiction over the matter. But, after all the discussion which ha3 been elicited by the mere proposition to instruct them to inquire, it is not probable that the committee will do so without some further intimation from the Senate that a report on this subject would be acceptable. I cannet agree with the honorable Senator from New Hampshire, [Mr. Woodbubt] that the motion to postpone is calculated or intended to prevent a distinct expression of opinion on the subject; on the contrary, the postponement of the resolution, after discussion, would announce to the committee our indisposition to have the inquiry made during the present session. The Senator from Connecticut, [Mr. Foot] who desires this information, and whose deportment here is distinguished for courtesy to others, may be indulged, without any apprehension of exciting unnecessary alarm in the West, while our refusal to adopt any measure to throw light on the subject may, possibly, create suspicion in other parts of our country', that we are wasting this portion of the nation's treasure, and arc afraid that our profligacy may be exposed by this investigation.
• Mmn, Barton, ot Miuouri, chairman. Livingiton, or Louisiana Kane, of Illilioii, Ellia, of M»»iuipni, and McKlliby, of A labuma. Digitized by Google
