much the best portrait, by the way, in circulation of him during the campaign,—was the means of his election. That it helped largely to this end, I do not doubt. The effect of such influences, though silent, is powerful. Fremont once said to me, that the villanous wood-cut published by the New York "Tribune," the next day after his nomination, lost him twenty-five votes in one township, to his certain knowledge.
On one of the last days of February, I called, with my friend W———, of New York, upon Mr. Lovejoy, who was supposed to be convalescent. He thought himself nearly well again, and was in fine spirits. Indications of an organized movement to bring forward Fremont, as an opposition candidate to Mr. Lincoln, had recently appeared. Mr. Lovejoy was very severe upon it; he said, "Any attempt to divide the party at such a time was criminal in the last degree." I remember observing that many of the extreme anti-slavery men appeared to distrust the President. This drew out his indignant condemnation. "I tell you," said he, "Mr. Lincoln is at heart as strong an anti-slavery man as any of them, but he is compelled to feel his way. He has a responsibility in this matter which many men do not seem to be able to comprehend. I say to you frankly, that I believe his course to be right. His mind acts slowly, but when he moves, it is forward. You will never find him receding from a position once taken. It is of no
