SLAVERY 101 or as day laborers, were in general treat- ed as u contrabands " by all the military lead- ers. In the annual report of the secretary of war, Dec. 1, 1861, the following passage occurs : " It is already a grave question what shall be done with those slaves who were aban- doned by their owners on the advance of our troops into southern territory, as at Beaufort district in South Carolina. The number left .within our control at that point is very con- siderable ; and similar cases will probably re- cur. What shall be done with them ? Can we afford to send them forward to their masters, to be by them armed against us, or used in pro- ducing supplies to sustain the rebellion ? Their labor may be useful to us ; withheld from the enemy, it lessens his military resources; and withholding them has no tendency to induce the horrors of insurrection, even in the rebel communities. They constitute a military re- source ; and being such, that they should not be turned over to the enemy is too plain to discuss. Why deprive him of supplies by a blockade, and voluntarily give him men to produce them ? " Nevertheless several of the commanders of Union armies allowed masters to appear within their lines and carry off into slavery fugitives found therein. An order of Gen. David Hunter, commanding the depart- ment of the South, dated May 9, 1862, declar- ing the states of Georgia, Florida, and South Carolina under martial law and the slaves there- in free, was annulled by proclamation of the president ten days later. On Aug. 22, 1862, the president in a public telegraphic despatch addressed to Horace Greeley, in response to a letter from that gentleman, gave utterance to his views as follows : " If there be those who would not save the Union unless they could at the same time save slavery, I do not agree with them. If there be those who would not save the Union unless they could at the same time destroy slavery, I do not agree with them. My paramount object is to save the Union, and not either to save or destroy slavery. If I could save the Union without freeing any slave, I would do it ; if I could save it by freeing all the slaves, I would do it ; and if I could save it by freeing some and leaving others alone, I would also do that. What I do about slavery and the colored race, I do because I believe it helps to save this Union ; and what I forbear, I forbear because I do not believe it would help to save the Union. I shall do less whenever I shall believe what I am doing hurts the cause, and I shall do more whenever I believe doing more will help the cause." Meantime, on March 2, 1862, the president had recommended to con- gress that a resolution be adopted "that the United States, in order to cooperate with any state which may adopt gradual abolition of slavery, give to such state pecuniary aid, to be used by such state in its discretion, to compen- sate it for the inconvenience, public and private, produced by such change of system." The res- olution was adopted, but produced no effect. Immediately after the battle of Antietam the president issued a proclamation (Sept. 22, 1862), in which, after declaring his determination to prosecute the war for the object of practically restoring the constitutional relation between the Union and the several states, and that it was his purpose at the next meeting of con- gress to recommend some practical measure of assistance in emancipation to those states which would voluntarily accept it, he proceeded to announce that on the first day of January, 1863, all persons held as slaves within any state or designated part of a state, the people where- of should then be in rebellion, should be then, thenceforward, and for ever free, and the exec- utive government, including the military and naval authority thereof, would maintain such freedom. He further proclaimed that on the said first day of January he would by procla- mation designate the states and parts of states then in rebellion, but that any state which should then be represented in congress by mem- bers chosen thereto at elections wherein a ma- jority of the qualified voters participated, should in the absence of strong countervailing testi- mony be conclusively deemed not in rebellion. After then calling attention to legislation of congress bearing date March 13, 1862, forbid- ding the employment of military force to re- turn fugitives to slavery, and that of July 16, 1862, for the confiscation of property of rebels, including slaves, and enjoining the observance thereof, he closed with the assurance that in due time, on the restoration of constitutional relations between the Union and the respective states, he should recommend compensation to loyal persons for all losses, including that of slaves. The final proclamation of freedom was issued on Jan. 1, 1863. It designated the fol- lowing states and parts of states as then in rebellion : Arkansas, Texas, Louisiana (except the parishes of St. Bernard, Plaquemine, Jeffer- son, St. John, St. Charles, St. James, Ascen- sion, Assumption, Terre Bonne, Lafourche, St. Mary, St. Martin, and Orleans, including the city of New Orleans), Mississippi, Alabama, Florida, Georgia, South Carolina, North Caro- lina, and Virginia (except the 48 counties des- ignated as West Virginia, and the counties of Berkeley, Accomac, Northampton, Elizabeth City, York, Princess Anne, and Norfolk, inclu- ding the cities of Norfolk and Portsmouth). The president enjoined upon the freedmen to abstain from all violence unless in necessary self-defence, and recommended to them in all cases, when allowed to do so, to labor faith- fully for reasonable wages ; but gave notice also that suitable persons would be received into the armed service of the United States. This proclamation had no very marked effect upon the relation of slavery beyond the lines of the federal army, but it gave consistency and unity to the action of the federal commanders, and it facilitated and hastened the incorporation of freedmen and other colored persons into the federal armies. On June 9, 1862, a law had
