States. The vote of New York was not technically necessary to the adoption of the constitution; but practically, without the adhesion of the powerful Empire State, that might well claim the title of "Keystone State," our Union could not long have continued. The struggle in that convention was of historical importance. Against the Constitution was thrown the mighty influence of George Clinton, then supreme in the political contests of the State; while for the Constitution stood Alexander Hamilton and Robert R. Livingston. Others there were to whose fidelity all praise is due, but the chief burden of the debates was sustained by Hamilton and Chancellor Livingston. Hamilton's brilliant presentations of the arguments for union were the admiration of his hearers; but the clear, earnest, logical efforts of Livingston carried conviction. For days the contest seemed hopeless. Clinton was a formidable antagonist, and did not willingly allow his empire pass to the control of other States. To be first man in New York was a much easier task than to become chief of a united confederacy. Then it was that the Livingstons threw the whole family influence into the contest. Wealth, social position, culture, and influence were potent where eloquence and brilliant logic were futile. Without Hamilton, the Constitution might have been adopted; without Livingston, no earthly power would have availed to save the precious charter. Destroyed a nation? Yes, easily could George Clinton and Robert R. Livingston have founded an empire. Who can conjecture the results had Hamilton been less eloquent, or Livingston less powerful? Had Hamilton's eloquence not touched men already half persuaded by Livingston's example?
To Robert Livingston fell the pleasant duty of aiding in the inauguration of the first President. Proud must he have been, when, after administering the oath of office, he turned to the audience assembled to witness the ceremonies, and, waving his hand, cried in a loud voice, "Long live George Washington, President of the United States!"
The beginning of Washington's administration marks a turning-point in Livingston's career. His friendship with Washington began in the early years of the war. During the campaigns in New York, Washington was a frequent and welcome guest at the house of Margaret Beekman, mother of the chancellor; and the mutual friendship existing between the two families never appeared stronger than during the first few months of the new administration. Within a few years of the first inauguration, an estrangement had taken place; and the chancellor, withdrawing from the Federal party, threw his immense influence against the administration. The reason of this political revolution cannot now be determined. Popular feeling of the time ascribed the change to the chancellor's disappointment at not receiving one of the great offices of State under the new government. That Livingston very much desired the position of chief justice of the United States, and failing to receive that would have been content with the Treasury Department, is evident from the correspondence still in existence; but that this disappointment was any more than one of the incidents leading to the change is doubtful. In 1794 the position of minister to France was tendered by Washington to the chancellor, and immediately declined by the latter. Unfortunately for Livingston's aspirations, New York had
