Page:The Records of the Federal Convention of 1787 Volume 3.djvu/380

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it not very essential, which might raise up enemies; that his colleague (Robert Morris) well knew that ‘a bank’ was, in their State (Pennsylvania) the very watch-word of party; that a bank had been the great bone of contention between the two parties of the State, from the establishment of their constitution, having been erected, put down, and erected again, as either party preponderated; that therefore, to insert this power, would instantly enlist against the whole instrument, the whole of the anti-bank party in Pennsylvania. Whereupon it was rejected, as was every other special power, except that of giving copyrights to authors, and patents to inventors; the general power of incorporating being whittled down to this shred. Wilson agreed to the fact.


ⅭⅭⅬⅩⅩⅨ. Charles Pinckney in the House of Representatives.[1]

May 10, 1798.

The gentleman from Pennsylvania had said, with great truth, that it was the object of those who formed the Constitution, that the powers of Government should be distributed among the different departments, and that they ought not to be assigned or relinquished.


ⅭⅭⅬⅩⅩⅩ. Debate in the House of Representatives.[2]

June 16–20, 1798.

Mr. B[aldwin]. thought the 9th section, forbidding Congress to prohibit the migration, &c., was directly opposed to the principle of this bill. He recollected very well that when the 9th section of the Constitution was under consideration in the Convention, the delegates from some of the Southern States insisted that the prohibition of the introduction of slaves should be left to the State Governments; it was found expedient to make this provision in the Constitution; there was an objection to the use of the word slaves, as Congress by none of their acts had ever acknowledged the existence of such a condition. It was at length settled on the words as they now stand, ‘that the migration or importation of such persons as the several States shall think proper to admit, should not be prohibited till the year 1808.’ It was observed by some gentlemen present that this expression would extend to other persons besides slaves,[3] which was not denied, but this did not produce any alteration of it. …

  1. Annals of Congress, Fifth Congress, 2d and 3d Session, Ⅱ, 1660.
  2. Annals of Congress, Fifth Congress, 2d and 3d Session, Ⅱ, 1968–2005.
  3. See ⅭⅭⅭⅩⅩⅩⅠ below.