contract, agreeing to remain in the employ of the company for one year. They replied that the agreement also contained a clause to the effect that no one should be discriminated against on account of any part he had taken in procuring the new wage-scale, or by reason of his affiliation with union labor.
It was in vain that the president endeavored to convince them that Hoover's discharge was due solely to his reprehensible personal conduct. They would not be convinced. He called the manager of the mills and the foreman of the shop in which Hoover had worked as his witnesses. The committee saw in this only a carefully worked out plan to betray the men whom the company feared, and throttle union labor. They would have no excuses, no subterfuges, they would listen to no argument. Their demand was clear and imperative; it must be answered by a categorical yes or no. The president asked for a week within which he might sift the evidence, and consider the demand. They replied that they had no discretionary power; that if the demand was not complied with by noon of the following day every laborer in the company's employ would quit his job and stay out until Hoover was reinstated. This was their ultimatum.
Mr. Malleson dismissed the committee with a wave of his hand. He had nothing further to say to them. But his jaws were set, and his eyes were like steel.
In the afternoon he called the members of his board together and presented the situation to them. It was plainly apparent to all of them that Hoover's conduct, leading to his dismissal, was but part of a plan to force a strike, with or without cause, at the Malleson mills. What ulterior purpose lay back of it all they could not understand. It was clear that the men were being led, by designing persons, to their own destruction. But for whose benefit? That was the mystery of it. And what was to be done? If Hoover were to be reinstated now doubtless a similar situation would be
