lessly violated. We have now, on our part, abrogated that agreement. They are irresponsible, reckless and destructive. We shall not reëmploy them."
"You don't mean to say that these men who have given the better part of their lives to your service are to be locked out? blacklisted?"
"Call it what you choose, Mr. Farrar. We are through with them. When we reopen our shops, as we shall reopen them next week, it will be to men who have not worked us injury, and in whose word and good faith we hope we can trust."
"But, Mr. Malleson, do you realize that if you bring in new men to take the places of the old ones there is sure to be trouble?"
"We look to the police and the law to protect our property and our employees, and if the police and the law are not sufficient we shall have armed deputies of our own to defend us against violence."
"Pardon me, but you will only be inviting disorder. The patience of these striking workmen is strained already to the breaking point. You cannot assume that they will stand idly by and see strangers take the places to which they believe themselves entitled. Bloodshed, in such a case, is no remote possibility."
"We assume nothing, sir, except that we have a right, under the law, to operate our works with such men as we see fit to employ. If unwarranted or violent interference with our property or our employees is resorted to, and bloodshed ensues, we shall hold ourselves in no way responsible."
The cold logic of his reply left room for no further argument. The appeal to reason having been dismissed, an appeal to sentiment was now the minister's only recourse.
"Mr. Malleson," he said, "there is one thing more which I beg you to consider. These workmen of yours are beaten. You have forced them into the last ditch. Their wives are starving and their babies are
