Page:Turkey, the great powers, and the Bagdad Railway.djvu/185

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  • sion in the East confided to her by Providence—a noble

mission consecrated not alone by ancient usage, but also by international treaties. . . . The Holy See does not wish to interfere with the glorious patrimony which France has received from its ancestors, and which beyond a doubt it means to deserve by always showing itself equal to its task."[30] No more sweeping confirmation of French rights could have been desired.

The German Government, however, was by no means willing to accept these pronouncements as final. In the name of nationalism German unification was accomplished; in the name of nationalism German missionaries abroad must look to their own Government for protection. To admit a foreign claim to the protectorate of Germans was to stain the national honor. To accede to the French pretension that Catholic Germans occupied an inferior position in the East was to decrease the prestige of German citizenship. The Shantung incident was a noisy demonstration of the intention of the German Empire to recognize no such distinctions. The visit of the Kaiser to the Sultan in the same year, 1898, was directly concerned with the determination of Wilhelmstrasse to assert the secular rights of German missionaries, Catholics as well as Protestants.[31]

French Catholics denied the German claims and worked upon national sentiment at home to add to the growing fear of German imperial aggrandizement. "Catholic missions," it was asserted, "by their very nature and purpose are a supra-national institution, similar to the sovereign majesty of the Pope." What could be the purpose of the Germans in asserting the doctrine of the "nationalization of missions," if it were not to undermine French influence in Turkey? How great would be the national humiliation if the protectorate of the Faithful in the East should pass from the hands of Catholic France to Protes-