Sanskrit Grammar/Chapter XVII

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Sanskrit Grammar by William Dwight Whitney
Chapter XVII: Derivation of Declinable Stems


1136. The formation from roots of conjugable stems — namely, tense-stems, mode-stems, and stems of secondary conjugation (not essentially different from one another, nor, it is believed, ultimately from the formation of declined stems) — was most conveniently treated above, in the chapters devoted to the verb. Likewise the formation of adverbs by derivation (not essentially different from case-formation), in the chapter devoted to particles. And the formation of those declinable stems — namely, of comparison, and of infinitives and participles — which attach themselves most closely to the systems of inflection, has also been more or less fully exhibited. But the extensive and intricate subject of the formation of the great body of declinable stems was reserved for a special chapter.

a. Of course, only a brief and compendious exhibition of the subject can be attempted within the here necessary limits: no exhaustive tracing out of the formative elements of every period; still less, a complete statement of the varied uses of each element; least of all, a discussion of origins; but enough to help the student in that analysis of words which must form a part of his labor from the outset, giving a general outline of the field, and preparing for more penetrating investigation.

b. The material from accented texts, and especially the Vedic material, will be had especially in view (nothing that is Vedic being intentionally left unconsidered); and the examples given will be, so far as is possible, words found in such texts with their accent marked. No word not thus vouched for will be accented unless the fact is specifically pointed out.

1137. The roots themselves, both verbal and pronominal, are used in their bare form, or without any added suffix, as declinable stems.

a. As to this use of verbal roots, see below, 1147.

b. The pronominal roots, so-called, are essentially declinable; and hence, in their further treatment in derivation, they are throughout in accordance with other declinable stems, and not with verbal roots.

1138. Apart from this, every such stem is made by a suffix. And these suffixes fall into two general classes:

A. Primary suffixes, or those which are added directly to roots;

B. Secondary suffixes, or those which are added to derivative stems (also to pronominal roots, as just pointed out, and sometimes to particles).

a. The division of primary suffixes nearly corresponds to the kṛt (more regular) and uṇādi (less regular) suffixes of the Hindu grammarians; the secondary, to their taddhita-suffixes.

1139. But this distinction, though one of high value, theoretically and practically, is not absolute. Thus:

a. Suffixes come to have the aspect and the use of primary which really contain a secondary element — that is to say, the earliest words exhibiting them were made by addition of secondary suffixes to words already derivative.

b. Sundry examples of this will he pointed out below: thus, the gerundival suffixes, tavya, anīya, etc., the suffixes uka and aka, tra, and others. This origin is probable for more cases than admit of demonstration; and it is assumable for others which show no distinct signs of composition.

c. Less often, a suffix of primary use passes over in part into secondary, through the medium of use with denominative "roots" or otherwise: examples are yu, iman, īyas and iṣṭha, ta.

1140. Moreover, primary suffixes are added not only to more original roots, but, generally with equal freedom, to elements which have come to wear in the language the aspect of such, by being made the basis of primary conjugation — and even, to a certain extent, to the bases of secondary conjugation, the conjugation-stems, and the bases of tense-inflection, the tense-stems.

a. The most conspicuous examples of this are the participles, present and future and perfect, which are made alike from tense and conjugation-stems of every form. The infinitives (968 ff.) attach themselves only in sporadic instances to tense-stems, and even from conjugation-stems are made but sparingly earlier; and the same is true of the gerundives.

b. General adjectives and nouns are somewhat widely made from conjugation-stems, especially from the base of causative conjugation: see below the suffixes a (1148 j, k), ā (1149 c, d), ana (1150 m), as (1151 f), ani (1159 b), u (1178 g–i), ti (1157 g), tṛ (1182 e), tnu (1196 b), snu (1194 b), uka (1180 d), āku (1181 d), ālu (1192 b), tu (1161 d).

c. From tense-stems the examples are far fewer, but not unknown: thus, from present-stems, occasional derivatives in a (1148 j), ā (1149 d, e), ana (1150 n), i (1155 d), u (1178 f), ta (1176 e), tu (1161 d), uka (1180 d), tra (1185 e), ti (1157 g), vin (or in: 1232 b, 1183 a); from stems in a s apparently of aoristic character (besides infinitives and gerundives), occasional derivatives in a (1148 j), ana (1150 j), ani (1159 b), an (1160 a), āna (1175), as (1151 c), ī (1156 b), iṣṭha (1184 a), u (1178 f), us (1154 a), tṛ (1182 e), in (1183 a).

1141. The primary suffixes are added also to roots as compounded with the verbal prefixes.

a. Whatever, namely, may have been originally and strictly the mode of production of the derivatives with prefixes, it is throughout the recorded life of the language as if the root and its prefix or prefixes constituted a unity, from which a derivative is formed in the same manner as from the simple root, with that modification of the radical meaning which appears also in the proper verbal forms as compounded with the same prefixes.

b. Not derivatives of every kind are thus made; but, in the main, those classes which have most of the verbal force, or which are most akin in value with infinitives and participles.

c. The occurrence of such derivatives with prefixes, and their accent, will be noted under each suffix below. They are chiefly (in nearly the order of their comparative frequency), besides root-stems, those in a, in ana, in ti, in tar and tra, and in in, ya, van and man, i and u, as, and a few others.

1142. The suffixes of both classes are sometimes joined to their primitives by a preceding union-vowel — that is to say, by one which wears that aspect, and, in our ignorance or uncertainty as to its real origin, may most conveniently and safely be called by that name. The line between these vowels and those deserving to be ranked as of organic suffixal character cannot be sharply drawn.

Each of the two great classes will now be taken up by itself, for more particular consideration.

A. Primary Derivatives.

1143. Form of root. The form of root to which a primary suffix is added is liable to more or less variation. Thus:

a. By far the most frequent is a strengthening change, by guṇa- or vṛddhi-increment. The former may occur under all circumstances (except, of course, where guṇa-change is in general forbidden: 235, 240): thus, véda from √vid, móda from √mud, várdha from √vṛdh; áyana from √i, sávana from √su, sáraṇa from √sṛ; and so on. But the latter is only allowed under such circumstances as leave long ā as the resulting vowel: that is to say, with non-final a, and with a final i- or u-vowel and before a vowel: thus, nādá from √nad, grābhá from √gṛbh or grabh, vāhá from √vah, nāyá from √, bhāvá from √bhū, kārá from √kṛ; such strengthening as would make vāida and māuda does not accompany primary derivation.

b. Strengthening in derivation does not stand in any such evident connection with accent as strengthening in conjugation; nor can any general rules be laid down as to its occurrence; it has to he pointed out in detail for each suffix. So also with other vowel-changes, which are in general accordance with those found in inflection and in the formation of tense- and mode-stems.

c. The reversion of a final palatal or h to a guttural has been already noticed (216). A final n or m is occasionally lost, as in formations already considered.

d. After a short final vowel is sometimes added a t: namely, where a root is used as stem without suffix (1147 d), and before a following y or v of van (1169), vara and varī (1171), yu once (1165 a), and ya (1213 a). The presence of t before these suffixes appears to indicate an original secondary derivation from derivatives in ti and tu.

e. The root is sometimes reduplicated: rarely in the use without suffix (1147 c,e); oftenest before a (1148 k), i (1155 e), u (1178 d); but also before other suffixes, as ā (1149 e), ana (1150 m), vana (1170 a), van and varī (1169 d, 1171 a,b), vani (1170 b), vi (1193), vit (1193 b), ani (1159 b), in (1183 a), tnu (1196 a), ta (1176 a), ti (1157 d), tha (1163 a), tṛ (1182 b), tra (1185 f), ūka (1180 f), aka (1181 a), īka (1186 c), ma (1166 b).

1144. Accent. No general laws governing the place of the accent are to be recognized; each suffix must in this respect be considered by itself.

a. In connection with a very few suffixes is to be recognized a certain degree of tendency to accent the root in case of a nomen actionis or infinitival derivative, and the ending in the case of a nomen agentis or participial derivative: see the suffixes a, ana, as, an, and man, below, where the examples are considered. Differences of accent in words made by the same suffix are also occasionally connected with differences of gender: see the suffixes as and man.

1145. Meaning. As regards their signification, the primary derivatives fall in general into two great classes, the one indicating the action expressed by the verbal root, the other the person or thing in which the action appears, the agent or actor — the latter, either substantively or adjectively. The one class is more abstract, infinitival; the other is more concrete, participial. Other meanings may in the main be viewed as modifications or specializations of these two.

a. Even the words indicating recipience of action, the passive participles, are, as their use also as neuter or reflexive shows, only notably modified words of agency. The gerundives are, as was pointed out above (961 ff.), secondary derivatives, originally indicating only concerned with the action.

1146. But these two classes, in the processes of formation, are not held sharply apart. There is hardly a suffix by which action-nouns are formed which does not also make agent-nouns or adjectives; although there are not a few by which are made only the latter. In treating them in detail below, we will first take up the suffixes by which derivatives of both classes are made, and then those forming only agent-nouns.

a. To facilitate the finding of the different suffixes is given the following list of them, in their order as treated, with references to paragraphs:

1147 yu 1165 in 1183
a 1148 ma 1166 īyas, iṣṭha 1184
ā 1149 mi 1167 tra 1185
ana 1150 man 1168 ka 1186
as 1151 van 1169 ya 1187
tas, nas, sas 1152 vana, -ni, -nu 1170 ra 1188
is 1153 vara 1171 la 1189
us 1154 ant 1172 va 1190
i 1155 vāṅs 1173 ri 1191
ī 1156 māna 1174 ru 1192
ti 1157 āna 1175 vi 1193
ni 1158 ta 1176 snu 1194
ani 1159 na, ina, una 1177 sna 1195
an 1160 u 1178 tnu 1196
tu 1161 ū 1179 sa 1197
nu 1162 uka 1180 asi 1198
tha 1163 aka 1181 abha 1199
thu 1164 tṛ or tar 1182 sundries 1200–1

1147. Stems without suffix; Root-words. These words and their uses have been already pretty fully considered above (323, 348 ff., 383 ff., 400, 401).

a. They are used especially (in the later language, almost solely) as finals of compounds, and have both fundamental values, as action-nouns (frequently as infinitives: 971), and as agent-nouns and adjectives (often governing an accusative: 271 e). As action-nouns, they are chiefly feminines (384; in many instances, however, they do not occur in situations that determine the gender).

b. In a small number of words, mostly of rare occurrence, the reduplicated root is used without suffix.

c. The Vedic cases are: with simple reduplication, sasyád, cikít, dadṛ́h, didyú and didyút, juhū́, and perhaps gán̄gā and çíçu; with intensive reduplication, -nenī́, malimluc, yavīyúdh, and jógū and vánīvan (with the intensive instead of the usual radical accent). In dáridra is seen a transfer to the a-declension. Asūsū́ is probably to be understood as a compound, asū-sū́.

d. If the root end in a short vowel, a t is regularly and usually added (383f–h).

e. Examples have been given at the place just quoted. In jágat the t is added to the mutilated form of √gam reduplicated, and ṛṇayā́t (TS., once) appears to put it after a long vowel. In a single instance, çrútkarṇa (RV.) of listening ears, a stem of this class occurs as prior member of a compound.

f. Words of this form in combination with verbal prefixes are very numerous. The accent rests (as in combination of the same with other preceding elements) on the root-stem.

g. A few exceptions in point of accent occur: thus, ávasā, úpastut; and, with other irregularities of form, párijri, upástha, uparístha.

1148. अ a. With the suffix अ a is made an immensely large and heterogeneous body of derivatives, of various meaning and showing various treatment of the root: guṇa-strengthening, vṛddhi-strengthening, retention unchanged, and reduplication.

In good part, they are classifiable under the two usual general heads; but in part they have been individualized into more special senses.

1. a. With guṇa-strengthening of the root (where that is possible: 235, 240). These are the great majority, being more than twice as numerous as all others together.

b. Many nomina actionis: as, çráma weariness, gráha seizure, áya movement, véda knowledge, háva call, kródha wrath, jóṣa enjoyment, tára crossing, sárga emission.

C. Many nomina agentis: as, kṣamá patient, svajá constrictor, jīvá living, meghá cloud, codá inciting, plavá boat, sará brook, sarpá serpent, bhojá generous, khādá devouring.

d. Of the examples here given, those under b accent the radical syllable, and those under c the ending. And this is in perhaps a majority of cases the fact as regards the two classes of derivatives; so that, taken in connection with kindred facts as to other suffixes, it hints at such a difference of accent as a general tendency of the language. A few sporadic instances are met with of the same form having the one or the other value according to its accent: thus, éṣa haste, eṣá hasting; çā́sa order, çāsá orderer (other examples are coda, çāka, çoka: compare a similar difference with other derivatives in as, ana, an, man). But exceptions are numerous — thus, for example, jayá, javá, smará, action-nouns; çráva, mógha, stáva, agent-nouns — and the subject calls for a much wider and deeper investigation than it has yet received, before the accentuation referred to can be set up as a law of the language in derivation.

2. e. With vṛddhi-strengthening of the root — but only where ā is the resulting radical vowel: that is, of medial a, and of final (most often), u or ū, i or ī (rare).

f. Examples of action-nouns are: kā́ma love, bhāgá share, nādá noise, dāvá fire, tārá crossing. Very few forms of clear derivation and meaning are quotable with accent on the root-syllable.

g. Examples of agent-nouns are: grābhá seizing, vāhá carrying, nāyá leading, jārá lover.

3. h. With unstrengthened root, the examples are few: e. g. kṛçá lean, turá rapid, yugá yoke, sruvá spoon, priyá dear, vrá troop, çucá bright.

i. A number of words of this class, especially as occurring in composition, are doubtless results of the transfer of root-stems to the a-declension: e. g. -ghuṣa, -sphura, -tuda, -dṛça, -vida, -kira.

j. A few a-stems are made, especially in the older language, from conjugation-stems, mostly causative: thus, -āmaya, ilaya, -in̄khaya, -ejaya, -dhāraya, -pāraya, -mṛḍaya, -çamaya (compare the ā-stems, 1149 c,d); also desiderative, as bībhatsa (compare 1038). Occasional examples also occur from tense-stems: thus, from nu-stems, or secondary stems made from such, hinvá, -inva, -jinva, -pinva, -sinva, -sunva, -açnuva; from others, -pṛṇa, -mṛṇa, -stṛṇa, -puna, -jāna, -paçya, -manya, -dasya, -jurya, -kṣudhya, -sya, -tiṣṭha, -jighra, -piba; from future-stems, kariṣya (JB.), janiṣya, bhaviṣya, ruciṣya (?); apparently from aorist-stems, jeṣá, néṣa-, parṣá, pṛkṣá (?), -hoṣa.

4. k. Derivatives in a from a reduplicated root-form are a considerable class, mostly occurring in the older language. They are sometimes made with a simple reduplication: thus, cacará, cikita, dṛdhrá, dadhṛṣá, babhasa, -babhra, vavrá, çiçayá, çiçnátha (an action-noun), sasrá; but oftener with an intensive reduplication: thus, merely strengthened, cākṣmá, -cācala, jāgara, nānada, lālasa, vīvadhá (?), -memiṣa, rerihá and leliha, vevijá, nonuva, momughá, -roruda, lolupa; with consonant added, -can̄kaça-, -can̄krama, jan̄gama, cañcala, -jañjapa, dandhvana, -nannama, -jarjalpa, jarjara, -tartura, -dardira, múrmura, gadgada; dissyllabic, -karikra, kanikradá, carācará and calācalá, marīmṛçá, malimlucá, varīvṛtá, sarīsṛpá, paniṣpadá, saniṣyadá, sanisrasá, patāpata, madāmada, -vadāvada, ghanāghaná. Many of these are to be regarded as from an intensive conjugation-stem; but some of them show a form not met with in intensive conjugation.

5. l. Derivatives with this suffix from roots as compounded with the verbal prefixes are quite common, in all the modes of formation (in each, in proportion to the frequency of independent words): constituting, in fact, considerably the largest body of derivative stems with prefixes. They are of both classes as to meaning. The accent is, with few exceptions, on the ending — and that, without any reference to the value of the stem as action-noun or agent-noun.

m. Examples are: saṁgamá assembly, nimeṣá wink, abhidrohá enmity, anukará assistance, udāná inspiration, pratyāçrāvá response; — paricará wandering, saṁjayá victorious, vibodhá wakeful, atiyājá over-pious, udārá inciting, elevated, uttudá rousing, saṁgirá swallowing, ādardirá crushing, adhican̄kramá climbing.

n. The only definite class of exceptions in regard to accent appears to be that of the adverbial gerunds in am (above, 995), which are accented on the root-syllable. A very few other stems have the same tone: for example, utpā́ta portent, āçréṣa plague. A few others, mostly agent-nouns, have the accent on the prefix: for example, vyòṣa (i. e. ví-oṣa) burning, prátiveça neighbor, ā́bhaga sharing; but also sáṁkāça appearance.

o. For the remaining compounds of these derivatives, with the inseparable prefixes and with other elements, see the next chapter. It may be merely mentioned here that such compounds are numerous, and that the a-derivative has often an active participial value, and is frequently preceded by a case-form, oftenest the accusative.

p. Many words in the language appear to end with a suffix a, while yet they are referable to no root which can be otherwise demonstrated as such.

1149. आ ā. The vast majority of stems in आ ā are feminine adjectives, corresponding to masculines and neuters in अ a (332, 334). But also many suffixes ending in अ a have corresponding feminine forms in long आ ā, making a greater or less number of action-nouns. These will be given under the different suffixes below.

a. There is further, however, a considerable body of feminine action-nouns made by adding ā to a root, and having an independent aspect; though they are doubtless in part transfers from the root-noun (1147). Usually they show an unstrengthened form of root, and (such as occur in accented texts) an accented suffix.

b. Examples are īçā́ lordship, krīdā́ play, dayā́ pity, nindā́ reproach, çan̄kā́ doubt, hiṅsā injury, kṣamā patience, kṣudhā hunger, bhāṣā speech, sevā service, spṛhā eagerness.

c. But especially, such nouns in ā are made in large numbers, and with perfect freedom, from secondary conjugation-stems.

d. Thus, especially from desiderative stems, as jigīṣā́, bhikṣā́, vīrtsā́, bībhatsā́, etc. (see 1038); in the formation of periphrastic perfects, especially from causative stems, but also from desiderative and intensive, and even from primary present-stems (1071 c–f); from denominative stems, in the older language, as açvayā́, sukratūyā́, apasyā́, uruṣyā́, asūyā́, açanayā́, jīvanasyā́, etc., and quite rarely in the later, as mṛgayā.

e. The only example from a reduplicated stem is the late paspaçā; for sūṣā́, ján̄ghā, and jihvā́, which have a reduplicated aspect, are of doubtful origin. From present-stems come icchā and probably -ṛcchā.

1150. अन ana. With this suffix (as with अ a) are formed innumerable derivatives, of both the principal classes of meaning, and with not infrequent specializations. The root has oftenest guṇa-strengthening, but not seldom vṛddhi instead; and in a few cases it remains unstrengthened. Derivatives of this formation are frequent from roots with prefixes, and also in composition with other elements.

a. The normal and greatly prevalent accent is upon the root-syllable, without regard to the difference of meaning; but cases occur of accented final, and a few of accented penult. The action-nouns are in general of the neuter gender. The feminine of adjectives is made either in ā or in ī (for details, see below). And a few feminine action-nouns in anā and anī occur, which may be ranked as belonging to this suffix.

1. b. With strengthened and accented root-syllable. Under this head fall, as above indicated, the great mass of forms.

c. With guṇa-strengthening: examples of action-nouns are sádana seat, rákṣaṇa protection, danā́ giving, cáyana collection, védana property, hávana call, bhójana enjoyment, káraṇa deed, várdhana increase; — of agent-nouns, tápana burning, cétana visible, códana impelling.

d. With vṛddhi-strengthening (only in such circumstances that ā remains as vowel of the radical syllable): examples are -cā́tana, nā́çana, mā́dana, -vā́cana, -vā́sana, -vā́hana, sā́dana, -spā́çana, svā́dana, -ā́yana, -yā́vana, -srāvaṇa, -pā́raṇa.

e. From roots with prefixes, the derivatives of this formation are very numerous, being exceeded in frequency only by those made with the suffix a (above, 1148 l, m). A few examples are: ākrámaṇa striding on, udyā́na upgoing, nidhā́na receptacle, prā́ṇana expiration, vimócana release and releasing, saṁgámana assembly and assembler, adhivikártana cutting off, avaprabhráṅçana falling away down. For other compounds of these derivatives, showing the same accent (and the same feminine stem), see the next chapter (below, 1271). A few exceptions occur: vicakṣaṇá, upariçayaná, and the feminines pramandanī́ and nirdahanī́.

f. The adjectives of this formation, simple or compound, make their feminine usually in ī: thus, códanī, pécanī, spáraṇī, jámbhanī; prajñā́nī, prókṣaṇī, saṁgráhaṇī, abhiṣávaṇī, vidháraṇī (cetanī́ is of doubtful meaning: below, i). An adjective compound, however, having a noun in ana as final member, makes its feminine in ā: thus, sūpasarpaṇā́ of easy approach, ṣáḍvidhānā of sextuple order, anapavācanā́ not to be ordered away.

2. The more irregular formations may be classed as follows:

g. With accent on the final: a number of agent-nouns and adjectives, as karaṇá active (against káraṇa act), kṛpaṇá miserable (against kṛpáṇa misery), tvaraṇá hasting, rocaná shining, kroçaná yelling, svapaná sleepy, kṣayaṇá habitable.

h. These, unlike the preceding class, make their feminine in ā: e. g. tvaraṇā́, spandanā́. A few feminine action-nouns in the older language have the same form: thus, açanā́, asanā́, mananā́, dyotanā́, rodhanā́, çvetanā́, hasanā́ (and compare kapanā́, raçanā́); those of the later language in anā (rather numerous) are doubtful as regards accent.

i. Beside these may be mentioned a few feminines in anī́, of more or less doubtful character: arṣaṇī́, cetanī́ (to cétana), tapanī́ (to tápana), pṛçanī́, vṛjanī́ (with vṛjána), rajanī, tedanī́.

j. With accent on the penult: a small number of adjectives: as turáṇa hasting, dohána milking, manána considerate, bhandánā and mandána rejoicing, sakṣáṇa overcoming, and perhaps vakṣáṇa carrying (the last two with aoristic s); and a still smaller number of neuter action-nouns: daṅsána great deed, vṛjána enclosure, town, veṣáṇa service, kṛpáṇa misery (against kṛpaṇá miserable), with the masculine kiráṇa dust.

k. The only noticed example of a feminine is in ā: turáṇā. And a few feminine nouns have the same form: arháṇā, jaráṇā, barháṇā, bhandánā, maṅhánā, mehánā, vadhánā, vanánā, vakṣáṇā. (And compare the anomalous masc. name uçánā: 355 a.)

l. Without strengthening of the root are made a small number of derivatives: thus (besides those already noted, kṛpáṇa and kṛpaṇá, vṛjána and vṛjanī́, kiráṇa, turáṇa), further accented examples are úraṇa, dhúvana, pṛ́çana, bhúvana, vṛ́jana, vṛ́ṣaṇa, -súvana; and later are found sphuraṇa, sphuṭana, spṛhaṇa, -hnuvana, likhana, rudana, etc. RV. makes denominatives from riṣaṇa-, ruvaṇa-, vipana-, huvana-.

m. Stems in ana are made also from secondary conjugation-stems: thus, from desideratives, as cikitsana (see 1038); from causatives, as hāpana, bhīṣaṇa (see 1051 g); from denominatives, with great freedom, in the later language, as ākarṇana, unmūlana, çlakṣṇana, cihnana; from intensives and other reduplicated stems, only can̄kramaṇa, jan̄gamana, jāgaraná, yoyupana.

n. A few isolated cases may be further mentioned: from tense-stems, -jighraṇa, -ūrṇavana, -paçyana, yacchana, -siñcana; from prepositions, antaraṇa and sámana; astamana from the quasi-prefix (1092 b) astam. Feminines in anā of doubtful connection are yóṣaṇā woman (beside yóṣan, yoṣā, etc.) and pṛ́tanā.

1151. अस् as. By this suffix are made (usually with guṇa-strengthening of the root- vowel) especially a large class of neuter nouns, mostly abstract (action-nouns), but sometimes assuming a concrete value; and also, in the older language, a few agent-nouns and adjectives, and a considerable number of infinitives.

a. The accent in words of the first class is on the root, and in the second on the ending; and in a few instances words of the two classes having the same form are distinguished by their accent; the infinitives have for the most part the accent on the suffix.

1. b. Examples of the first and principal class are: ávas aid, favor, tápas warmth, práyas pleasure, téjas splendor, çrávas fame, dóhas milking, káras deed, práthas breadth, cétas and mánas mind, cákṣas eye, sáras pond, vácas speech.

c. A few words of this class are of irregular formation: thus, without strengthening of the root, júvas quickness (beside jávas), úras breast, mṛ́dhas contempt; and iras- (irasy-) and vipas-, and the adverbs tirás, mithás, huras-, also çíras head, are to be compared; — with vṛddhi-strengthening, -vā́cas, vā́sas, vā́has, -svādas, and, of doubtful connections, pā́jas, pā́thas, and -hāyas; — perhaps with an aoristic s, héṣas missile;pī́vas contains a v apparently not radical.

d. After final ā of a root is usually inserted y before the suffix (258): thus, dhā́yas, -gā́yas. But there are in the oldest language apparent remains of a formation in which as was added directly to radical ā: thus, bhā́s and -dās (often to be pronounced as two syllables), jñā́s, mā́s; and -dhas and -das, from the roots dhā and .

2. e. The instances in which an agent-noun is differentiated by its accent from an action-noun are: ápas work, and apás active; yáças beauty, and yaçás beauteous; táras quickness, and tarás (VS., once) quick; távas strength, and tavás strong; dúvas worship, and duvás lively (?); máhas greatness, and mahás great; between rákṣas n. and rakṣás m., both meaning demon, and between tyájas n. abandonment (?) and tyajás m. descendant (?), the antithesis is much less clear.

f. Adjectives in ás without corresponding abstracts are: toçás bestowing, yajás offering, vedhás pious, probably āhanás heady; and a few other words of isolated occurence, as veçás, dhvarás. From a denominative stem is made mṛgayás wild animal (RV., once).

g. But there are also a very few cases of abstract nouns, not neuter, accented on the ending: thus, jarás old age, bhiyás fear; and doubtless also havás call, and tveṣás impulse. The feminine uṣás dawn, and doṣás night, might belong either here or under the last preceding head.

h. Apparently containing a suffix as are the noun upás lap, and certain proper names: án̄giras, nodhás, bhalānás, arcanānás, naciketas. The feminine apsarás nymph is of doubtful derivation.

i. The irregular formation of some of the words of this division will be noticed, without special remark.

3. j. The infinitives made by the suffix as have been explained above (973): they show various treatment of the root, and various accent (which last may perhaps mark a difference of gender, like that between sáhas and jarás).

4. k. The formation of derivatives in as from roots compounded with prefixes is very restricted — if, indeed, it is to be admitted at all. No infinitive in as occurs with a prefix; nor any action-noun; and the adjective combinations are in some instances evidently, and in most others apparently, possessive compounds of the noun with the prefix used adjectively: the most probable exceptions are -nyókas and víṣpardhas. As in these examples, the accent is always on the prefix.

l. Certain Vedic stems in ar may be noticed here, as more or less exchanging with stems in as, and apparently related with such. They were reported above, at 169 a.

In connection with this, the most common and important suffix ending in s, may be best treated the others, kindred in office and possibly also in origin, which end in the same sibilant.

1152. तस् tas, नस् nas, सस् sas. With these suffixes are made an extremely small number of action-nouns. Thus:

a. With tas are made rétas seed, and srótas stream.

b. With nas are made ápnas acquisition, árṇas wave, -bhárṇas offering, rékṇas riches; and in dráviṇas wealth, and párīṇas fulness is apparently to be seen the same suffix, with prefixed elements having the present value of union-vowels. Probably the same is true of dámūnas house-friend, and ṛ́jūnas (RV.) n. pr., uçánas (or -nā) n. pr.

c. With sas is perhaps made vápsas beauty; and tárūṣas may be mentioned with it (rather tarus-a?). 1153. इस् is. With the suffix is is formed a small number (about a dozen) of nouns.

a. They are in part nouns of action, but most are used concretely. The radical syllable has the guṇa-strengthening, and the accent is on the suffix (except in jyótis light, vyáthis, and ā́mis, raw meat). Examples are: arcís, rocís, and çocís light, chadís or chardís cover, barhís straw, vartís track, sarpís butter, havís oblation, dyotis light, and kravís raw flesh. Avis-, pā́this, bhrājis-, and máhis- are isolated variants of stems in as; and túvis-, çucis-, and surabhis- appear inorganically for tuvi etc. in a few compounds or derivatives.

1154. उस् us. With this suffix are made a few words, of various meaning, root-form, and accent.

a. They are words signifying both action and agent. A few have both meanings, without difference of accent: thus, tápus heat and hot; árus wound and sore; cákṣus brightness and seeing, eye; vápus wonderful and wonder. The nouns are mostly neuter, and accented on the root-syllable: thus, ā́yus, tárus, púrus, múhus (? only adverbial), míthus (do.), yájus, çā́sus; exceptions are: in regard to accent, janús birth; in regard to gender, mánus man, and náhus, proper name. Of adjectives, are accented on the ending jayús, vanús, and dakṣús burning (which appears to attach itself to the aorist-stem).

1155. इ i. With this suffix are formed a large body of derivatives, of all genders: adjectives and masculine agent-nouns, feminine abstracts, and a few neuters. They show a various form of the root: strong, weak, and reduplicated. Their accent is also various. Many of them have meanings much specialized; and many (including most of the neuters) are hardly to be connected with any root elsewhere demonstrable.

1. a. The feminine action-nouns are of very various form: thus, with weak root-form, rúci brightness, tvíṣi sheen; kṛṣí ploughing, nṛtí dance; — with guṇa-strengthening (where possible), rópi pain, çocí heat, vaní and saní gain; — with vṛddhi-strengthening, grā́hi seizure, dhrā́ji course, ājí race; from √duṣ comes dū́ṣi (compare dūṣayati, 1042 b). The variety of accent, which seems reducible to no rule, is illustrated by the examples given. The few infinitively used words of this formation (above, 975 b) have a weak root-form, with accent on the ending.

2. b. The adjectives and masculine agent-nouns exhibit tho same variety. Thus:

c. With unstrengthened root: çúci bright, bhṛ́mi lively (√bhram), gṛ́bhi container. d. With unstrengthened root (or root incapable of guṇa-change): arí enemy, máhi great, arcí beam, granthí knot, krīḍí playing; with vṛddhi-increment, kā́rṣi, jā́ni, -dhāri, çā́ri, sācí, sādi, -sāhi, and a few words of obscure connections: thus, drāpí mantle, rāçí heap, pāṇí hand, etc. The isolated -ānaçi appears to come from the perfect-stem (788) of √.

e. With reduplicated root. This is in the older language a considerable class, of quite various form. Thus: with weak or abbreviated root, cákri, jághri (√ghar), pápri, sásri, -amri, babhrí, vavrí, jágmi, -jájñi (√jan), -tatni, jághni, sásni, súṣvi, -çiçvi; and, with displacement of final ā (or its weakening to the semblance of the suffix), dadí, papí, yayí (with a case or two from yayī́), -jajñi, dádhi; — from the ur-form of roots in changeable , jáguri, táturi, pápuri (púpuri SV.); — with simple reduplication, cíkiti, yúyudhi, vívici; — with strengthened reduplication, -cācali, tā́tṛpi, dā́dhṛṣi, vā́vahi, sāsahí, tū́tuji and tūtují, yū́yuvi, yū́yudhi; and jarbhári and bámbhāri. And karkarí lute and dundubhí drum have the aspect of belonging to the same class, but are probably onomatopoetic. The accent, it will be noticed, is most often on the reduplication, but not seldom elsewhere (only once on the root). It was noticed above (271 f) that these reduplicated derivatives in i not seldom take an object in the accusative, like a present participle.

f. Formations in i from the root compounded with prefixes are not at all numerous. They are accented usually on the suffix. Examples arc: āyají, vyānaçí, nijaghní, parādadí, viṣāsahí; but also ājā́ni, āmúri, vívavri. As compounded with other preceding words, the adjectives or agent-nouns in i are not rare, and are regularly accented on the root: see the next chapter, 1276.

g. From √dhā comes a derivative -dhi, forming many masculine compounds, with the value both of an abstract and a concrete: thus, with prefixes, antardhí, uddhí, nidhí, paridhí, etc. From √ is made in like manner ādi beginning, and from √sthā, pratiṣṭhí resistance. Opinions are at variance as to whether such forms are to be regarded as made with the suffix i, displacing the radical ā, or with weakening of ā to i.

3. h. Neuter nouns in i are few, and of obscure derivation: examples are ákṣi eye, ásthi bone, dádhi curds, etc.

1156. ई ī. Stems in ई ī (like those in आ ā, above, 1149) are for the most part feminine adjectives, corresponding to masculines and neuters of other terminations.

a. Thus, feminines in ī are made from a-stems (332, 334: and see also the different suffixes), from i-stems (344, 346), from u-stems (344 b), from -stems (376 a), and from various consonant-stems (378 a).

b. But there are also a few stems in ī wearing the aspect of independent derivatives. Examples are dakṣī, dehī́, nadī́, nāndī́, péṣī, vakṣī́ (apparently with aoristic a), veçī́, çā́kī, çácī, çámī, çímī, tarī, vāpī; they are either action-nouns or agent-nouns. In the later language (as noticed at 344 a) there is very frequent interchange of i- and ī-stems and the forms from them.

c. In the oldest language there are even a few masculines in ī. They were noticed, and their inflection illustrated, above, at 355 b, 356.

1157. ति ti. This suffix forms a large class of frequently used feminine nouns of action; and also a few agent-nouns (masculine) and adjectives. The root has in general the same form as before the suffix त ta of the passive participle (952 ff.) — that is to say, a weak, and often a weakened or abbreviated, form.

a. The accent ought, it would appear, in analogy with that of the participle, to rest always upon the suffix; but in the recorded condition of the language it does so only in a minority of cases: namely, about fifty, against sixty cases of accent an the radical syllable, and a hundred and forty of undetermined accent; a number of words — iti, ṛti, citti, tṛpti, pakti, puṣṭi, bhūti, bhṛti, vṛṣṭi, çakti, çruṣṭi, sṛṣṭi, sthiti — have both accentuations.

1. b. Examples of the normal formation are: rātí gift, ūtí aid, rītí flow, stutí praise, bhaktí division, viṣṭí service, stutí praise, kīrtí fame, pūrtí bestowal, matí thought, pītí drink (√; pple pīta), dhāutí stream (√dhāv; pple dhāuta); — and with accented root, gáti motion, çā́ṁti repose, díti division (√; pple ditá), dṛ́ṣṭi sight, íṣṭi offering (√yaj: pple iṣṭá), úkti speech (√vac: pple uktá), vṛ́ddhi increase.

c. The roots which form their participle in ita (956) do not have the i also before ti: thus, only gúpti, -dṛpti. A few roots having their participle in na instead of ta (957) form the abstract noun also in ni (below, 1158). And from the roots tan and ran occur tantí and ránti, beside the more regular tati and ráti; also áhanti (once; VS.) beside áhati. From roots having the form , the derivative in composition is sometimes -tti (for dāti, with loss of radical vowel: compare the participle-form -tta, above, 955 f): thus, niravatti (K.), samprátti (ÇB.), páritti (TB.), vásutti, bhágatti, maghátti (all RV.).

d. A few derivatives are made from reduplicated roots; their accent is various: thus, carkṛtí, dī́dhiti and -dī́diti, jígarti, and perhaps the proper name yayā́ti; also jágdhi from √jakṣ (233 f).

e. Derivatives from roots with prefixes are numerous, and have (as in the case of the participles in ta, and the action-nouns in tu) the accent on the prefix: examples are ánumati, abhī̀ti, ā́huti, nírṛti, vyā̀pti, sáṁgati. The only exceptions noticed are āsaktí and āsutí, and abhiṣṭí (beside abhíṣṭi). In other combinations than with prefixes, the accentuation is in general the same: see the next chapter (1274).

2. f. The adjectives and agent-nouns — which, as masculines, are to be connected with these rather than with the feminine abstracts — are very few: thus, pū́ti putrid, váṣṭi eager, dhū́ti shaker, jñātí relative, pattí footman, páti master; and a few others, of more or less dubious character. The accent is various, as in the other class.

3. g. A few words show the suffix ti preceded by various vowels, union- or stem-vowels. The ordinary intermediate i of the ta-participle etc. is seen in sániti, ujhiti, -gṛhīti (ī, as usual with this root: 900 b), paṭhiti, bhaṇiti; and with them may be mentioned the adjective ṛ́jīti, the proper names turvī́ti and dabhī́ti, and snī́hitī and snéhitī, notwithstanding their long final. With ati are made a few derivatives, variously accented: thus, the action-nouns aṅhatí, dṛçatí, pakṣatí, mithatí, vasatí, ramáti, vratáti, amáti and ámati, -dhrajati; and the agent-words aratí, khalatí, vṛkáti, rámati, dahati. In some of these is to be seen with probability a stem-vowel, as also in jánayati and rasayati (and RV. has gopayátya). The grammarians' method of representing a root by its 3d sing. pres. indic., declining this as a ti-stem, begins in the older language: e. g. étivant (TB.), kṣetivant (AB.), yajati and juhoti and dadāti (S.), nandati (MBh.). The feminine yúvati young, maiden is of isolated character.

h. In some of the words instanced in the last paragraph, ti is perhaps applied as a secondary suffix. A kindred character belongs to it in the numeral derivatives from pronominal roots, káti, táti, yáti, and from numerals, as daçati, viṅçatí, ṣaṣṭí, etc., with pan̄ktí (from páñca); in padāti; and in addhātí, from the particle addhā́.

1158. नि ni. This suffix agrees in general in its uses and in the form of its derivatives with the preceding; but it makes a very much smaller number of words, among which the feminine abstracts are a minority.

a. As was noticed above (1157 c), a few verbs (ending in vowels) making their passive participle in na instead of ta make their action-noun in ni instead of ti. From the older language are quotable jyāní injury, jūrní heat, hāni abandonment (and the masculines ghṛ́ṇi and jī́rṇi); later occur glāni, -mlāni, sanni-.

b. Words of the other class are: açni eating, -uṣṇi burning, váhni carrying, jū́rṇi singing, tū́rṇi hasty, bhū́rṇi excited, dharṇí sustaining, preṇí loving, vṛṣṇí and vṛ́ṣṇi virile; and with them may be mentioned pṛ́çni speckled.

c. In preṇí, yóni, mení, çréṇi, çróṇi is seen a strengthening of the radical syllable, such as does not appear among the derivatives in ti.

d. Derivatives in ni from roots with prefixes do not appear to occur.

e. In hrādúni and hlāduni we have a prefixed u. In the words ending in ani, the a has probably the same value with that of ati (above, 1157 g); but ani has gained a more independent status, and may be best treated as a separate suffix.

1159. अनि ani. The words made by this suffix have the same double value with those made by the preceding suffixes. Their accent is various. Thus:

a. Feminine action-nouns, sometimes with concreted meaning: as, iṣáṇi impulse, çaráṇi injury, dyotaní brightness, kṣipaṇí blow, açáni missile, vartaní track; and -arçani, udani-, jaraṇi-.

b. Adjectives and other agent-words are: aráṇi fire-stick, caráṇi movable, cakṣáṇi enlightener, taráṇi quick, dhamáni pipe, dhvasáni scattering, vakṣáṇi strengthener, saraṇi track. Dharaṇi and one or two other late words are probably variants to stems in anī. From a reduplicated root-form comes -paptani. From desiderative stems are made rurukṣáṇi, siṣāsáni, and (with prefix) ā-çuçukṣáṇi. And a small number of words appear to attach themselves to an s-aorist stem: thus, parṣáṇi, sakṣáṇi, carṣaṇí.

c. It is questionable whether the infinitives in ṣaṇí (978) are to be put here, as accusatives of a formation in ani, or under the next suffix, as locatives of a formation in an, from roots and stems increased by an aoristic s.

1160. अन् an. Not many words are made with a suffix of this form, and of these few are plainly to be connected with roots. Certain rare neuters (along with the doubtful infinitives) are nouns of action; the rest are masculine and neuter agent-nouns. The accent is various.

a. The infinitives which admit of being referred to this suffix, as locative cases, are those in ṣáṇi, of which the sibilant may be the final of a tense-stem. They are all given above (978).

b. The other action-nouns in an are mahán greatness, rāján authority (RV., once: compare rā́jan; the accent-relation is the reverse of the usual one), and gámbhan depth (VS., once); and PB. has kṣepṇā once.

c. Agent-nouns (in part of doubtful connection) are: ukṣán ox, cákṣan eye, tákṣan carpenter, dhvasán proper name, pūṣán name of a god, majján marrow, rā́jan king, vṛ́ṣan virile, bull, sághan, snīhán (snūhan Āpast.); also -gman, jmán, -bhvan, -çvan, with çván, yúvan, yóṣan, and the stems áhan, ū́dhan, etc. (430–4), filling up the inflection of other defective stems.

d. With prefixes occur pratidī́van and átidīvan, vibhván, níkāman.

1161. तु tu. The great mass of the words of this formation are the infinitives — accusatives in the later language, in the earlier likewise datives and ablative-genitives: see above, 970 b, 972, But a few are also used independently, as action-nouns or with concreted meaning; and an extremely small number, of somewhat questionable character, appear to have the value of agent-words. They are of all genders, but chiefly masculine. The root has the guṇa-strengthening.

a. The infinitive words are accented on the radical syllable when simple, and most of the others have the same accent; but a few have the tone on the ending.

b. Examples are: of the regular formation, masc. dā́tu share, jātu- birth, dhā́tu element, tántu thread, mántu counsel, ótu weft, sātu receptacle, sétu tie, sótu pressure, also krátu capacity, and sáktugrits; fem. vástu morning; neut, vastu thing, vā́stu abode; — with accent on the ending, aktú ray, jantúbeing, gātú way and song, yātú (?) demon, hetú cause, ketú banner (all masc.); — with unstrengthened root, ṛtú season, pitú drink, sū́tu birth, and apparently kṛ́tu (in kṛ́tvas times): with vṛddhi-strerigthening, vā́stu (above). Agent-nouns appear to be dhā́tu drinkable and kroṣṭu jackal.

c. The infinitives in tu have (968) often the union-vowel i before the suffix, and this in a few cases is lengthened to ī. In other use occur also -stárītu and -dhárītu (both with dus), -hávītu (with su); turphárītu seems of the same formation, but is obscure.

d. In a few instances, the suffix tu appears to be added to a tense- or conjugation-stem in a; thus, edhatú and vahatú; tamyatú and tapyatú; and siṣāsátu. The accent of the last is paralleled only by that of jīvā́tu life, which is further exceptional in showing a long ā; it is used sometimes in the manner of an infinitive.

1162. नु nu. This suffix forms a comparatively small body of words, generally masculine, and having both the abstract and the concrete value.

a. The accent is usually on the ending, and the root unstrengthened.

b. Thus: kṣepnú jerk, bhānú light (later sun), vagnú sound, sūnú son, dā́nu (with irregular accent) m. f. demon, n. drop, dew;dhenú f. cow;gṛdhnú hasty, tapnú burning, trasnu fearful, dhṛṣṇú bold; — and víṣṇu Vishnu, and perhaps sthāṇú pillar. Compare also suffix tnu, 1196 a.

c. This also (like tu) appears sometimes with a prefixed a: thus, kṣipaṇú missile, krandanú and nadanú roaring, nabhanú (and -nū́, f.) fountain, vibhañjanú (only instance with prefix) breaking to pieces; and perhaps the proper names dāsanu and kṛçā́nu belong here.

1163. थ tha. The words made with this suffix are almost without exception action-nouns (though some have assumed a concrete value). They are of all genders. The root is of a weak (or even weakened) form, and the accent usually on the suffix.

a. Thus: masc., -itha going, ártha goal, -kṛtha making, gāthá song, pakthá n. pr., bhṛthá offering, -yātha road, -çītha lying down, çotha swelling, sīktha sediment; and, of less clear connections, yūthá herd, rátha chariot; — neut., ukthá saying, tīrthá ford, nīthá song, rikthá heritage, and apparently pṛṣṭhá back; — fem. (with ā), gā́thā song, nī́thā way. Radical ā is weakened to ī in gī́tha song and -pītha drink and -pītha protection; a final nasal is lost in -gatha going and hathá slaying. In vijigīthá (ÇB.; but BAU. -īta) is apparently seen a formation from a reduplication of √, victorious.

b. A few examples of combination with prefixes occur, with accent on the final: thus, nirṛthá destruction, saṁgathá union, etc.

c. Still more common in the older language is a form of this suffix to which has become prefixed an á, which is probably of thematic origin, though become a union-vowel. Thus: -anátha breathing, ayátha foot, carátha mobility, tveṣátha vehemence, and so prothátha, yajátha, ravátha, vakṣátha, ucátha, vidátha, çaṅsatha, çapátha, çayátha, çvayátha, çvasátha, sacátha, stanátha, stavátha, sravátha, and, with weak root-form, ruvátha; the later language adds karatha, taratha, çamatha, savatha. With a prefix, the accent is thrown forward upon the final: thus, āvasathá abode, pravasathá absence; but prāṇátha breath is treated as if prān were an integral root.

d. Isolated combinations of tha with other preceding vowels occur: thus, várūtha protection, járūtha wasting (?); and matútha (√man?).

1164. थु thu. This suffix (like थ tha, above) has an अ á attached to it, and, in the very few derivatives which it makes, appears only as अथु áthu.

a. The only Vedic examples are ejáthu quaking, vepáthu trembling, stanáthu roaring. Later cases are nandáthu (TS.), nadathu (U.), kṣavathu (S.), davathu, bhraṅçathu, majjathu, vamathu, çvayathu, sphūrjathu.

1165. यु yu. With this suffix are made a very few nouns, both of agent and of action, with unstrengthened root and various accent. Thus:

a. Abstracts (masc.) are manyú wrath, mṛtyú death (with t added to the short final of the root).

b. Adjectives etc. are druhyú n. pr., bhujyú pliable, mucyu (GB. i. 1.7), çundhyú pure; yájyu pious, sáhyu strong, dásyu enemy; and, with vṛddhi-strengthening, jāyú victorious.

c. For other derivatives ending in yu, see the suffix u, below, 1178 h, i.

1166. म ma. The action-nouns made by this suffix are almost all masculine; and they are of various root-form and accent, as are also the agent-nouns and adjectives.

a. Examples of action-nouns are: ajmá course, gharmá heat; éma progress, bhā́ma brightness, sárna flow, stóma song of praise.

b. Examples of agent-nouns etc. are: tigmá sharp, bhīmá terrible, çagmá mighty, idhmá fuel, yudhmá warrior. A single instance from a reduplicated root is tūtumá powerful. Sarámā f., with a before the suffix, is of doubtful connection.

c. A number of stems in ma have stems in man beside them, and appear, at least in part, to be transfers from the an- to the a-declension. Such are ajma, oma, ema, arma, tókma, darmá, dhárma, narmá, yā́ma, yugma, vema, çuṣma, sóma, sárma, hóma.

1167. मि mi. A very small number of nouns, masculine and feminine, formed with mi, may be conveniently noticed here.

Thus, from -roots, ūrmí wave, -kūrmi action, sūrmī́ f. tube; from others, jāmí relation, bhū́mi or bhū́mī f. earth, lakṣmī́ sign; also probably raçmí line, ray; and the adjective krúdhmi (? RV., once).

1168. मन् man. The numerous derivatives made with this suffix are almost only action-nouns. The great majority of them are neuter, and accented on the root-syllable; a much smaller number are masculine, and accented on the suffix. The few agent-words are, if nouns, masculine, and have the latter accent: in several instances, a neuter and a masculine, of the one and the other value and accent, stand side by side. The root has in general the guṇa-strengthening.

1. a. Examples of regularly formed neuters are: kárman action, jánman birth, nā́man name, vártman track, véçman dwelling, hóman sacrifice, -dyótman splendor.

b. Examples of masculine abstracts are: omán favor, ojmán strength, jemán conquest, svādmán sweetness, hemán impulse.

c. Corresponding neuter action-nouns and masculine agent-nouns are: bráhman worship and brahmán priest; dā́man gift and dāmán giver; dhárman rule and dharmán orderer; sádman seat and sadmán sitter. But óman friend stands in the contrary relation to omán m. favor. Very few other agent-nouns occur; and all, except brahmán, are of rare occurrence.

d. On the other hand, jeman and varṣman and svādman (and variman) have the difference of gender and accent without a corresponding difference of meaning.

e. The noun áçman stone, though masculine, is accented on the radical syllable; and two or three other questionable cases of the same kind occur.

f. The derivatives in man used as infinitives (974) have for the most part the accent of neuters: the only exception is vidmáne.

g. A few words, of either class, have an irregular root-form: thus, údman, ūṣmán or uṣman, bhū́man earth, bhūmán abundance, syū́man, sīmán, bhujmán, vidmán, çíkman, çuṣman, sidhman; and kā́rṣman, bhā́rman, çā́kman.

h. Derivatives in man from roots with prefixes are not numerous. They are usually accented on the prefix, whether action-nouns or adjectives: thus, prábharman forthbringing, práyáman departure; ánuvartman following after: the exceptions, vijā́man, prativartmán, visarmán, are perhaps of possessive formation.

2. i. The same suffix, though only with its abstract-making value, has in a number of cases before it a union-vowel, i or ī; and imán comes to be used as a secondary suffix, forming abstract nouns (masculine) from a considerable number of adjectives.

j. The neuters in iman and īman are primary formations, belonging almost only to the older language: thus, jániman, dhariman (M.), váriman (beside varimán, as noticed above); and dárīman, dhárīman, párīman (and páreman SV., once), bhárīman, várīman, sárīman, stárīman, sávīman, and hávīman. Those in īman are hardly met with outside the Rig-Veda.

k. The masculines in imán are in the oldest language less frequent than the neuters just described: they are tániman (?), jarimán, prathimán, mahimán, varimán (beside the equivalent váriman and várīman), varṣimán (beside the equivalent várṣman and varṣmán), harimán, and drāghimán (VS.) beside drāghmán (V.B.). Some of these, as well as of the derivatives in simple man, attach themselves in meaning, or in form also, to adjectives, to which they seem the accompanying abstracts: compare the similar treatment of the primary comparatives and superlatives (above, 468): such are pāpmán (to pāpá, pā́pīyas etc.); drāghmán etc. (to dīrghá, drā́ghīyas, etc.); váriman etc. (to urú, várīyas, etc.); práthiman (to pṛthú, práthiṣṭha); harimán (to hári or hárita); várṣman etc. (to várṣīyas etc.); svā́dman etc. (to svādú, svā́dīyas, etc.). Then in the Brāhmaṇa language are found further examples: thus, dhūmrimán (TS. K.), draḍhimán (MS. K.: to dṛdhá, dráḍhīyas, etc.), aṇimán (ÇB.; and áṇiman n. bit), sthemán, stháviman (n. big piece), taruṇiman (K.), paruṣiman (AB.), abaliman (ChU.), lohitiman (KB.); and still later such as laghiman, kṛṣṇiman, pūrṇiman, madhuriman, çoṇiman, etc., etc.

1169. वन् van. By this suffix are made almost only agent-words, adjectives and nouns, the latter chiefly masculines. The root is unstrengthened, and to a short final vowel is added a त् t before the suffix. The accent is almost always on the root, both in the simple words and in their compounds.

a. The insertion of t is an intimation that the words of this form are originally made by the addition of an to derivatives in u and tu; yet van has the present value of an integral suffix in the language, and must be treated as such.

b. Examples of the usual formation are: masc. yájvan offering, drúhvan harming, çákvan capable, -ríkvan leaving, -jítvan conquering, sútvan pressing, kṛ́tvan active, -gátvan (like -gat, -gatya) going, sátvan (√san) warrior; neut. párvan joint, dhánvan bow. Irregular, with strengthened root, are árvan courser, -yāvan (? AV.) driving off; and, with accent on the suffix, dṛván (? VS.) and vidván (? AV.).

c. Examples from roots with prefixes (which are not rare) are: atītvan excelling, upahásvan reviler, sambhṛ́tvan collecting; and perhaps vivásvan shining: abhísatvan is a compound with governing preposition (1310). For the compounds with other elements, which, except in special cases, have the same accent, see below, 1277.

d. The stems muṣīván robber and sanítvan (each RV., once) are the only ones with a union-vowel, and are perhaps better regarded as secondary derivatives — of which a few are made with this suffix: see below, 1234. From a reduplicated root are made rárāvan and cikitván (and possibly vivásvan).

e. Action-nouns made with the suffix van are only the infinitival words mentioned at 974 — unless bhurváṇi (RV., once) is to be added, as locative of bhurván.

f. The feminines corresponding to adjectives in van are not made (apparently) directly from this suffix, but from vara, and end in varī; see below, 1171 b.

1170. वन vana, वनि vani, वनु vanu. The very few words made with these suffixes may best be noticed here, in connection with वन् van (of which the others are probably secondary extensions).

a. With vana are made vagvaná talkative, satvaná warrior (beside sátvan, above); and, from a reduplicated root, çuçukvaná shining.

b. With vani are made from simple roots turváṇi excelling, and bhurváṇi restless, and, from reduplicated roots, çuçukváni shining, dadhṛṣváṇi daring, tuturváṇi striving after, and jugurváṇi praising; arhariṣváṇi is obscure.

c. With vanu is made only vagvanú tone, noise.

1171. वर vara. With this suffix are made a few derivatives, of all genders, having for the most part the value of agent-nouns and adjectives. Much more common are the feminine stems in वरी varī, which, from the earliest period, serve as corresponding feminines to the masculine stems in वन् van.

a. A few masculine adjectives in vará occur, formally accordant (except in accent) with the feminines: thus, itvará going, -advara eating; and so, further, in the older language, īçvará, -jāvara, phárvara, bhārvará, bhāsvará, vyadhvará (?), -sadvara, sthāvará, and doubtless with them belongs vidvalá; later, -kasvara, gatvara, ghasvara (also ghasmara), -jitvara, naçvara, pīvara, madvara, -sṛtvara; from a reduplicated root, yāyāvará (B. and later). Many of these have feminines in ā.

b. The feminines in varī accord in treatment of the root and in accent with the masculines in van to which they correspond: thus, yájvarī, -jítvarī, sṛ́tvarī, -çī́varī, -yāvarī, and so on (about twenty-five such formations in RV.); from a reduplicated root, -çiçvarī.

c. A very small number of neuters occur, with accent on the root: thus, kárvara deed, gáhvara (later also gabhvara) thicket; and a feminine or two, with accent on the penult: urvárā field, and urvárī tow (both of doubtful etymology).

We take up now the suffixes by which are made only stems having the value of agent-nouns and adjectives; beginning with a brief mention of the participial endings, which in general have been already sufficiently treated.

1172. अन्त् ant (or अत् at). The office of this suffix, in making present and future participles active, has been fully explained above, in connection with the various tense-stems and conjugation-stems (chaps. VIII.–XIV.), in combination with which alone it is employed (not directly with the root, unless this is also used as tense-stem).

a. A few words of like origin, but used as independent adjectives, were given at 450. With the same or a formally identical suffix are made from pronominal roots íyant and kíyant (451, 517 a). And ádvayant not double-tongued (RV., once), appears to contain a similar formation from the numeral dvi — unless we are to assume a denominative verb-stem as intermediate.

1173. वांस् vāṅs (or वस् vas). For the (perfect active) participles made with this suffix, see above, 802–6, and 458 ff.

a. A few words of irregular and questionable formation were noticed at 462, above. Also, apparent transfers to a form us or uṣa. RV. vocalizes the v once, in jujuruā́n.

b. The oldest language (RV.) has a very few words in vas, of doubtful relations: ṛ́bhvas and çíkvas skilful (beside words in va and van), and perhaps khidvas (√khād). The neuter abstract várivas breadth, room (belonging to urú broad, in the same manner with várīyas and varimán), is quite isolated. MBh. makes a nominative pīvān, as if from pīvāṅs instead of pīvan.

1174. मान māna. The participles having this ending are, as has been seen (584 b), present and future only, and have the middle, or the derived passive, value belonging in general to the stems to which the suffix is attached.

1175. आन āna. The participles ending in आन āna are of middle and passive value, like those just noticed, and either present, perfect, or (partly with the form सान sāna: above, 897 b) aorist.

a. A few other words ending in the same manner in the old language may be mentioned here. The RV. has the adjectives tákavāna, bhṛ́gavāṇa, vásavāna, ūrdhvasāná, apparently made on the model of participial stems. Also the proper names ápnavāna, pṛ́thavāna, and cyávāna and cyávatāna. Párçāna abyss is doubtful; rujā́nā (RV., once) is probably a false reading; ā́pnāna is of doubtful character.

1176. त ta. The use of this suffix in forming participles directly from the root, or from a conjugational (not a tense) stem, was explained above, 952–6. The participles thus made are in part intransitive, but in great part passive in value (like those made by the two preceding suffixes, but in much larger measure, and more decidedly).

a. A few general adjectives, or nouns with concrete meaning, are adaptations of this participle. Examples are: tṛṣṭá rough, çītá cold, dṛḍhá (for dṝḍhá: 224 a) firm; dūtá messenger, sūtá charioteer; ṛtá right, gḥṛtá ghee, jātá kind, dyūtá gambling, nṛttá dance, jīvitá life, caritá behavior, smita smile. The adjective tigitá (RV.) sharp shows anomalous reversion of palatal to guttural before the i (216 d). Vāvā́ta dear is a single example from a reduplicated root.

b. Doubtless after the example and model of participles from denominative stems (of which, however, no instances are quotable from the Veda — unless bhāmita RV.), derivatives in ita are in the later language made directly from noun and adjective-stems, having the meaning of endowed with, affected by, made to be, and the like (compare the similar English formation in ed, as horned, barefooted, bluecoated). Examples are rathita furnished with a chariot, duḥkhita pained, kusumita flowered, durbalita weakened, niḥsaṁçayita indubitable, etc. etc.

c. A few words ending in ta are accented on the radical syllable, and their relation to the participial derivatives is very doubtful: such are ásta home, márta mortal, vā́ta wind; and with them may be mentioned gárta high seat, nákta night, hásta hand. Vratá is commonly viewed as containing a suffix ta, but it doubtless comes from √vṛt (vrat-á, like tradá, vrajá) and means originally course.

d. Several adjectives denoting color end in ita, but are hardly connectible with roots of kindred meaning: thus, palitá gray, ásita black, róhita and lóhita red, hárita green; akin with them are éta variegated, çyetá white. The feminines of these stems are in part irregular: thus, énī and çyénī; róhiṇī and lóhinī, and háriṇī (but the corresponding masc. háriṇa also occurs); and ásiknī, páliknī, and háriknī.

e. A small number of adjectives in the older language ending in ata are not to be separated from the participial words in ta, although their specific meaning is in part gerundive. They are: pacatá cooked, darçatá and paçyata seen, to be seen, worth seeing; and so yajatá, haryatá, bharatá. The y of paçyata and haryatá indicates pretty plainly that the a also is that of a present tense-stem. Rajatá silvery is of more obscure relation to √raj color; párvata mountain must be secondary.

1177. न na (and इन ina, उन una). The use of the suffix न na in forming from certain roots participles equivalent to those in त ta, either alongside the latter or instead of them, was explained above, at 957.

a. With the same suffix are made a number of general adjectives, and of nouns of various gender (fem. in ). The accent is on the suffix or on the root. A few examples are: uṣṇá hot, çuná fortunate, áçna ravenous, çvítna white; masc., praçná question, yajñá offering, ghṛṇá heat, várṇa color, svápna sleep; neut., parṇá wing, rátna jewel (?); fem. tṛ́ṣṇa thirst, yācn̄ā́ supplication. But many of the stems ending in na are not readily connectible with roots. An antithesis of accent is seen in kárṇa ear and karṇá eared.

b. The few words ending in ina are of doubtful connection, but may be mentioned here: thus, aminá violent, vṛjiná crooked, dákṣiṇa right, dráviṇa property, druhiṇa, çreṣiṇa, hariṇá; and kanī́na may be added.

c. The words ending in una are of various meaning and accent, like those in ana: they are árjuna, karúṇa, -cetúna, táruṇa, dāruṇá, dharúṇa, narúṇa, píçuna, mithuná, yatúna, vayúna, varuṇa, çalúna, and the feminine yamúnā; and bhrūṇá may be added.

d. These are all the proper participial endings of the language. The gerundives, later and earlier, are in the main evident secondary formations, and will be treated under the head of secondary derivation.

We take up now the other suffixes forming agent-nouns and adjectives, beginning with those which have more or less a participial value.

1178. उ u. With this suffix are made a considerable body of derivatives, of very various character — adjectives, and agent-nouns of all genders, with different treatment of the root, and with different accent. It is especially used with certain conjugational stems, desiderative (particularly later) and denominative (mainly earlier), making adjectives with the value of present participles; and in such use it wins in part the aspect of a secondary suffix.

a. The root has oftenest a weak (or weakened) form; but it is sometimes vriddhied; least often (when capable of guṇa), it has the guṇa-strengthening — all without any apparent connection with either accent or meaning or gender. After final radical ā is usually added y (258) before the suffix. A few derivatives are made from the reduplicated root. But many words ending in u are not readily, or not at all, connectible with roots; examples will be given especially of those that have an obvious etymology.

b. Examples of ordinary adjectives are: urú wide, ṛjú straight, pṛthú broad, mṛdú soft, sādhú good, svādú sweet, tápu hot, vásu good; jāyú conquering, dārú bursting; çayú lying, réku empty; dhāyú thirsty, pāyú protecting. Final ā appears to be lost before the suffix in -sthu (suṣṭhú, anuṣṭhú), and perhaps in , -gu (agregú), and -khu (ākhú).

c. Examples of nouns are: masc., aṅçú ray, ripú deceiver, vāyú wind-god, ásu life, mánu man, Manu; fem., íṣu (also masc.) arrow, síndhu (also masc.) river, tanū́ or tanú body; neut., kṣú food.

d. Derivatives from reduplicated roots are: cikitú, jágmu, jigyú, jijñu, siṣṇu, -tatnu (unless this is made with nu or tnu), didyu (?), dadru, yáyu or yayú and yíyu (with final ā lost), pípru (proper name), -dīdhayu; and títaü, babhrú, -raru (aráru), malimlú (?) have the aspect of being similar formations.

e. A few derivatives are made from roots with prefixes, with various accentuation: for example, upāyú on-coming, pramayú going to destruction, viklíndu a certain disease, abhī́çu rein (director), sáṁvasu dwelling together.

f. From tense-stems, apparently, are made tanyú thundering, bhindú splitting, -vindu finding, and (with aoristic s) dákṣu and dhákṣu (all RV.).

g. Participial adjectives in ú from desiderative "roots" (stems with loss of their final a) are sufficiently numerous in the ancient language (RV. has more than a dozen of them, AV. not quite so many) to show that the formation was already a regular one, extensible at will; and later such adjectives may be made from every desiderative. Examples (older) are: ditsú, dipsú, cikitsú, titikṣú, pipīṣu, mumukṣú, iyakṣú, çiçlikṣú; with prefix, abhidipsú; with anomalous accent, didṛ́kṣu. These adjectives, both earlier and later, may take an object in the accusative (271 a).

h. A few similar adjectives are made in the older language from causatives: thus, dhārayú (persistent), bhājayú, bhāvayú, maṅhayú, mandayú, çramayú; and mṛgayú from the caus.-denom. mṛgáya.

i. Much more numerous, however, are such formations from the more proper denominatives, especially in the oldest language (RV. has toward eighty of them; AV. only a quarter as many, including six or eight which are not found in RV.; and they are still rarer in the Brāhmaṇas, and hardly met with later). In a majority of cases, personal verbal forms from the same denominative stem are in use: thus, for example, to aghāyú, arātīyú, ṛjūyú, caraṇyú, manasyú, saniṣyú, uruṣyú, saparyú; in others, only the present participle in yánt, or the abstract noun in yā́ (1149 d), or nothing at all. A few are made upon denominative stems from pronouns: thus, tvāyú (beside tvāyánt and tvāyā́), yuvayú or yuvāyú, asmayú, svayú, and the more anomalous ahaṁyú and kiṁyú. Especially where no other denominative forms accompany the adjective, this has often the aspect of being made directly from the noun with the suffix yu, either with a meaning of seeking or desiring, or with a more general adjective sense: thus, yavayú seeking grain, varāhayú boar-hunting, stanasyú desiring the breast; ūrṇāyú woolen, yuvanyú youthful, bhīmayú terrible. And so the "secondary suffix yu" wins a degree of standing and application as one forming derivative adjectives (as in ahaṁyú and kiṁyú, above, and doubtless some others, even of the RV. words). In three RV. cases, the final as of a noun-stem is even changed to o before it: namely, aṅhoyú, duvoyú (and duvoyā́; beside duvasyú), áskṛdhoyu. j. The words in yu do not show in the Veda resolution into iu (except dhāsiús AV., once).

1179. ऊ ū. Stems in ऊ ū are very few, even as compared with those in ई ī (1156). They are for the most part feminines corresponding to masculines in u (344 b), with half-a-dozen more independent feminines (see 355 c).

a. To those already mentioned above are to be added karṣū́ pit, -calū (in puṁçcalū́), -janū (in prajanū́), çumbhū́.

1180. उक uka. With this suffix are made derivatives having the meaning and construction (271 g) of a present participle. The root is strengthened, and has the accent.

a. The derivatives in uka are hardly known in the Veda; but they become frequent in the Brāhmaṇas, of whose language they are a marked characteristic (about sixty different stems occur there); and they are found occasionally in the older language. In all probability, they are originally and properly obtained by adding the secondary suffix ka (1222) to a derivative in u; but they have gained fully the character of primary formations, and in only an instance or two is there found in actual use an u-word from which they should be made.

b. The root is only so far strengthened that the radical syllable is a heavy (79) one; and it has the accent, whether the derivative is made from a simple root or from one with prefix.

c. Examples, from the Brāhmaṇa language, are: vā́duka, nā́çuka, upakrā́muka, prapā́duka, upasthāyuka (258), vyāyuka, véduka, bhā́vuka, kṣódhuka, hā́ruka, várṣuka, samárdhuka, dáṅçuka, ālambuka, çikṣuka (GB.: RV. has çikṣú), pramā́yuka (ṢB. has pramāyu).

d. Exceptions as regards root-form are: nirmā́rguka (with vṛddhi-strengthening, as is usual with this root: 627), -kasuka, ṛdhnuka (from a tense-stem; beside árdhuka). AV. accents sáṁkasuka (ÇB. has saṁkásuka) and víkasuka; RV. has sānuká (which is its only example of the formation, if it be one; AV. has also ghā́tuka from √han, and ápramāyuka); vasuká (TS. et al.) is probably of another character. Açanāyuka (PB. et al.) is the only example noticed from a conjugation-stem.

e. Of later occurrence are a few words whose relation to the others is more or less doubtful: kārmuka and dhārmuka, tsāruka, tarkuka, nānduka, pādukā, pecuka, bhikṣuka, lāṣuka, seduka, hiṇḍuka, hreṣuka. Of these, only lāṣuka appears like a true continuer of the formation; several are pretty clearly secondary derivatives.

f. A formation in ūka (a suffix of like origin, perhaps, with uka) may be mentioned here: namely, indhūka, majjūka, and, from plicated roots, jāgarū́ka wakeful, jañjapūka (later) muttering, dandaçū́ka biting, yāyajū́ka sacrificing much, vāvadūka (later) talkative; salalū́ka is questionable.

1181. अक aka. Here, as in the preceding case, we doubtless have a suffix made by secondary addition of क ka to a derivative in अ a; but it has, for the same reason as the other, a right to be mentioned here. Its free use in the manner of a primary suffix is of still later date than that of uka; it has very few examples in the older language.

a. In RV. is found (besides pāvaká, which has a different accent, and which, as the metre shows, is really pavāka) only sā́yaka missile; AV. adds pī́yaka and vádhaka, and VS. abhikróçaka. But in the later language, such derivatives are common, more usually with raising of the root-syllable by strengthening to heavy quantity: thus, nāyaka, dāyaka (258), pācaka, grāhaka, bodhaka, jāgaraka; but also janaka, khanaka. They are declared by the grammarians to have the accent on the radical syllable. They often occur in copulative composition with gerundives of the same root: thus, bhakṣyabhakṣaka eatable and eater, vācyavācaka designated and designation, and so on.

b. That the derivatives in aka sometimes take an accusative object was pointed out above (271 c).

c. The corresponding feminine is made sometimes in akā or in akī, but more usually in ikā: thus, nāyikā (with nāyakā), pācikā, bodhikā; compare secondary aka, below, 1222.

d. Derivatives in āka are made from a few roots: thus, jalpāka, bhikṣāka; but very few occur in the older language: thus, pavāka (above, a), nabhāka, smayā́ka, jáhāka (?), -calāka, patākā. With āku is made in RV. mṛḍayā́ku, from the causative stem: pṛ́dāku and the proper name íkṣvāku are of obscure connection.

e. Derivatives in ika and īka will be treated below, in connection with those in ka (1186 c).

1182. तृ tṛ (or तर् tar). The derivatives made by this suffix, as regards both their mode of formation and their uses, have been the subject of remark more than once above (see 369 ff., 942 ff.). Agent-nouns are freely formed with it at every period of the language; these in the oldest language are very frequently used participially, governing an object in the accusative (271 d); later they enter into combination with an auxiliary verb, and, assuming a future meaning, make a periphrastic future tense (942). Their corresponding feminine is in trī.

a. The root has regularly the guṇa-strengthening. A union-vowel i (very rarely, one of another character) is often taken: as regards its presence or absence in the periphrastic future forms, see above (943 a).

b. Without guṇa-change is only úṣṭṛ plough-ox (no proper agent-noun: apparently úkṣ-tṛ: compare the nouns of relationship further on). The root grah has, as usual, ī — thus, grahītṛ́; and the same appears in -tarītṛ́, -pavītṛ́, -marītṛ́, -varītṛ, -savītṛ. An u-vowel is taken instead by tárutṛ and tarutṛ́, dhánutṛ, and sánutṛ; long in varūtṛ́; strengthened to o in manótṛ and manotṛ́. From a reduplicated root comes vāvā́tṛ.

c. The accent, in the older language, is sometimes on the suffix and sometimes on the root; or, from roots combined with prefixes, sometimes on the suffix and sometimes on the prefix.

d. In general, the accent on the root or prefix accompanies the participial use of the word; but there are exceptions to this: in a very few instances (four), a word with accented suffix has an accusative object; very much more often, accent on the root appears along with ordinary noun value. The accent, as well as the form, of manótṛ is an isolated irregularity. Examples are: jétā dhánāni winning treasures; yūyám mártaṁ çrótāraḥ ye listen to a mortal; but, on the other hand, yaṁtā́ vásūni vidhaté bestowing good things on the pious; and jétā jánānām conqueror of peoples.

e. The formation of these nouns in tṛ from conjugation-stems, regular and frequent in the later language, and not very rare in the Brāhmaṇas, is met with but once or twice in the Veda (bodhayitṛ́ and codayitrī́, RV.). In néṣṭṛ a certain priest (RV. and later), is apparently seen the aoristic s.

f. The words of relationship which, in whatever way, have gained the aspect of derivatives in tṛ, are pitṛ́, mātṛ́, bhrā́tṛ, yā́tṛ, duhitṛ́, náptṛ, jā́mātṛ. Of these, only mātṛ́ and yā́tṛ are in accordance with the ordinary rules of the formation in tṛ.

g. Instead of tṛ is found tur in one or two RV. examples: yaṁtúr, sthātúr.

h. Apparently formed by a suffix (or ar) are usṛ́, savyaṣṭhṛ, nánāndṛ, devṛ́, the last two being words of relationship. For other words ending in , see 369.

1183. इन् in. This is another suffix which has assumed a primary aspect and use, while yet evidently identical in real character with the frequent secondary suffix of the same form denoting possession (below, 1230).

a. How far it had gained a primary value in the early language is not easy to determine. Most of the words in in occurring in RV. and AV. are explainable as possessives; in many the other value is possible, and in a few it is distinctly suggested: thus, kevalādín, bhadravādín, nitodín, āçārāiṣín, ánāmin, vivyādhín; from a tense-stem, -açnuvin, -paçyin (late); with aoristic s, -sakṣín; and, with reduplication, niyayín, vadāvadin. As the examples indicate, composition, both with prefixes and with other elements, is frequent; and, in all cases alike, the accent is on the suffix.

b. Later, the primary employment is unquestionable, and examples of it, chiefly in composition, are frequent. The radical syllable is usually strengthened, a medial a being sometimes lengthened and sometimes remaining unchanged. Thus, satyavādin truth-speaking, abhibhāṣin addressing, manohārin soul-winning. In bhāvin has established itself a prevailingly future meaning, about to be.

c. The use of an accusative object with words in in was noticed above (271 b).

1184. ईयस् īyas and इष्ठ iṣṭha. These suffixes, which, from forming intensive adjectives corresponding to the adjective of root-form, have come to be used, within somewhat narrow limits, as suffixes of adjective comparison, have been already sufficiently treated above, under the head of comparison (466–470).

a. It may be further noticed that jyéṣṭha has in the older language (only two or three times in RV.) the accent also on the final, jyeṣṭhá, and that its correlative also is kaniṣṭhá in the oldest language; párṣiṣṭha is made from a secondary form of root, with aoristic s added.

b. When the comparative suffix has the abbreviated form yas (470 a), its y is never to be read in the Veda as i.

c. No other suffixes make derivatives having participial value otherwise than in rare and sporadic cases; those that remain, therefore, will be taken up mainly in the order of their frequency and importance.

1185. त्र tra. With this suffix are formed a few adjectives, and a considerable number of nouns, mostly neuter, and often having a specialized meaning, as signifying the means or instrument of the action expressed by the root. The latter has usually the guṇa-strengthening, but sometimes remains unchanged. The accent is various, but more often on the radical syllable.

a. Here, as in certain other cases above, we have doubtless a suffix originally secondary, made by adding a to the primary tṛ or tar (1182); but its use is in great part that of a primary suffix.

b. Examples of neuter nouns are: gā́tra limb, páttra wing, pā́tra cup, yóktra bond, vástra garment, çrótra ear; astrá missile, stotrá song of praise, potrá vesel; of more general meaning, dáttra gift, kṣétra field, mū́tra urine, hotrá sacrifice. The words accented on the final have often an abstract meaning: thus, kṣatrá authority, rāṣṭrá kingdom, çāstrá doctrine, sattrá sacrificial session (also jñā́tra knowledge).

c. Masculines are: dáṅṣṭra tusk, mántra prayer, attrá (or atrá: 232) devourer, úṣṭra buffalo, camel, and a few of questionable etymology, as mitrá friend, putrá son, vṛtrá foe. Mitrá and vṛtrá are sometimes neuters even in the Veda, and mitra comes later to be regularly of that gender.

d. Feminines (in trā) are: áṣṭrā goad, mā́trā measure, hótrā sacrifice (beside hotrá), daṅṣṭrā (later, for dáṅṣṭra); nāṣṭrā́ destroyer.

e. Not seldom, a "union-vowel" appears before the suffix; but this is not usually the equivalent of the union-vowel used with tṛ (above, 1182 a). For the words in itra have the accent on i: thus, arítra (áritra AV., once) impelling, oar, khanítra shovel, pavítra sieve, janítra birth-place, sanítra gift; and so -avitra, açítra, carítra, -taritra, dhamitra, dhavítra, bhavítra, bharítra, vāditra (with causative root-strengthening), vahitra: the combination ítra has almost won the character of an independent suffix. The preceding vowel is also in a few cases a (sometimes apparently of the present-stem): thus, yájatra venerable, kṛntátra shred, gāyatrá (f. -trī́) song, -damatra, pátatra wing; but also ámatra violent, vádhatra deadly weapon; and varatrā́ f. strap. Tárutra overcoming corresponds to tarutṛ́. Nákṣatra asterism is of very doubtful etymology. Saṁskṛtatrá (RV., once) seems of secondary formation.

f. The words still used as adjectives in tra are mostly such as have union-vowels before the suffix. A single example from a reduplicated root is johū́tra crying out.

g. A word or two in tri and tru may be added here, as perhaps of kindred formation with those in tra: thus, áttri devouring, arcátri beaming, rā́tri or rā́trī night; çátru (çáttru: 232) enemy.

1186. क ka. The suffix क ka is of very common use in secondary derivation (below, 1222); whether it is directly added to roots is almost questionable: at any rate, extremely few primary derivatives are made with it.

a. The words which have most distinctly the aspect of being made from roots are puṣka-, -meka (√mi fix), yaska n. pr., çúṣka dry, çlóka (√çru hear} noise, report, etc., and -sphāka teeming; and stúkā flake and stoká drop seem to belong together to a root stu; rākā́ f., n. pr., may be added.

b. But ka enters, in its value as secondary, into the composition of certain suffixes reckoned as primary: see aka and uka (above, 1180, 1181).

c. A few words in which ika and īka seem added to a root, though they are really of a kindred formation with the preceding, may be most conveniently noticed here: thus, vṛ́çcika (√vraçc) scorpion; ánīka (?) face, dṛ́çīka aspect, dṛ́bhīka n. pr., mṛḍīká grace, vṛdhīká increaser, ā́çarīka and víçarīka gripes, -ṛjīka beaming, ṛṣīka; ṛkṣī́kā; and, from reduplicated root, parpharī́ka scattering (?). Compare secondary suffix ka (below, 1222).

1187. य ya. It is altogether probable that a part of the derivatives made with this suffix are not less entitled to be ranked as primary than some of those which are above so reckoned. Such, however, are with so much doubt and difficulty to be separated from the great mass of secondary derivatives made with the same suffix that it is preferred to treat them all together under the head of secondary formation (below, 1210–13).

1188. र ra. With this suffix are made a large number of adjectives, almost always with weak root-form, and usually with accent on the suffix. Also, a few words used as nouns, of various gender. In some cases, the suffix is found with a preceding vowel, having the aspect of a union-vowel.

a. Examples of adjectives in ra are: kṣiprá quick, chidrá split, turá strong, bhadrá pleasing, çakrá mighty, çukrá bright, hiṅsrá injurious; with accent on the root, only gṛ́dhra greedy, túmra stout, dhī́ra wise (secondary?), vípra inspired, túgra n. pr.

b. From roots with prefixes come only an example or two: thus, nicirá attentive, nímṛgra joining on.

c. Nouns in ra are: masc., ájra field, vīrá man, vájra thunderbolt, çū́ra hero; neut., ágra point, kṣīrá milk, rándhra hollow, riprá defilement; fem., dhā́rā stream, çíprā jaw, súrā intoxicating drink.

The forms of this suffix with preceding vowel may best be considered here, although some of them have nearly or quite gained the value of independent endings. Thus:

d. With ara are made a few rare words: the adjectives dravará running, patará flying, (with prefix) nyocará suiting; and the nouns gambhára depth, tásara and trasara shuttle, sánara gain, -ṛkṣara thorn; bhārvará and vāsará are doubtless of secondary formation; and the same thing may be plausibly conjectured of others. As made with āra may be mentioned mandāra a tree, mārjāra cat.

e. With ira are made a few words, some of which are in common use: thus, ajirá quick, khadirá a tree, timira dark, dhvasirá stirring up, madirá pleasing, mudira cloud, badhirá deaf, rucira bright, iṣirá lively, ásira missile, sthávira firm; and sthira hard, and sphirá fat, with displacement of final radical ā; also sarirá wave (usually salilá). With īra are made gabhīrá or gambhīrá profound and çávīra mighty, and perhaps çárīra body.

f. With ura are made a few words, of some of which the secondary character is probable: thus, aṅhurá (aṅhu-ra?) narrow, ásura (ásu-ra?) living, chidura tearing, bhan̄gurá breaking, bhāsura shining, bhidura splitting, medura fat, yādura uniting, vithura tottering, vidura knowing, vidhura lacking. With ūra, apparently, are made sthūrá stout (compare sthávira), kharjū́ra a tree, mayū́ra peacock (or imitative?).

1189. ल la. This suffix is only another form of the preceding, exchanging with it in certain words, in others prevalently or solely used from their first appearance.

a. Conspicuous examples of the interchange are çuklá, sthūlá, -miçla, çithilá, salilá.

b. Examples of the more independent use are: pālá protecting, ánila (or aníla) wind, tṛpála joyous; later capala and tarala (said to be accented on the final), and harṣula (the same). Many words ending in la are of obscure etymology.

1190. व va. Very few words of clear derivation are made with this suffix — too few to be worth classifying. They are of various meaning and accent, and generally show a weak root-form.

a. Thus: ṛkvá praising, ṛṣvá lofty, takvá quick, dhruvá fixed, pakvá ripe, padva going, yahvá quick (?), çarvá n. pr., hrasvá short, çikvá artful, raṇvá joyful, ūrdhvá lofty, vákva twisting, ūrvá stall; éva quick, course, áçva horse, srákva or sṛkva corner; and perhaps úlba caul; a feminine is prúṣvā (TS. pṛ́ṣvā, AV. pruṣvā́); with union-vowel are made saciva companion, ámīva disease, and vidhávā widov.

b. The words in va exhibit only in sporadic cases resolution of the ending into ua.

1191. रि ri. With this suffix are formed, directly or with preceding u, a small number of derivatives.

a. Thus: án̄ghri or aṅhri foot, áçri edge, úsri dawn, tandri or -drī́ weariness, bhū́ri abundant, ván̄kri rib, sūrí patron, -takri quick, vádhri eunuch, çubhrí beautiful, sthúri single (team); and, with uri, jásuri exhausted, dā́çuri pious, bhāguri n. pr., sáhuri mighty; an̄gúri (or an̄gúli) finger.

1192. रु ru. This suffix makes a few adjectives and neuter nouns, either directly or with a preceding vowel.

a. Thus: áçru 'tear, cā́ru dear, dhārú sucking, bhīrú timid; — with preceding a-vowel: aráru inimical, patáru flying, vandā́ru praising, píyāru scoffing, çarā́ru harming; — with preceding e, tameru relaxed, maderú rejoicing, sanéru obtaining, himerú chilly, the evidently secondary mitréru ally, and péru (of doubtful meaning).

b. The secondary suffix lu (see 1227 b) is apparently added to certain nouns in ā from conjugation-stems, making derivatives that hare a primary aspect: thus, patayālú flying, spṛhayālu desiring.

1193. वि vi. By this suffix are made:

a. Two or three derivatives from reduplicated roots: jā́gṛvi awake, dā́dhṛvi sustaining, dī́divi shining; and a very few other words; ghṛ́ṣvi lively, dhruví firm, jírvi worn out (AV.; elsewhere jívri); -pharvī is doubtful.

b. Here may be mentioned cikitvít (RV., once), apparently made with a suffix vit from a reduplicated root-form.

1194. स्नु snu. With this suffix, with or without a union-vowel, are made a few adjective derivatives from roots, hut also from causative stems.

a. From simple roots: direct, kṣeṣṇú perishable, -glāsnu sick, jiṣṇú victorious, dan̄kṣṇú biting, bhūṣṇu thriving, ni-ṣatsnú sitting down, sthāsnu fixed; with union-vowel i, kariṣṇu, kāçiṣṇu, kṣayiṣṇu, gamiṣṇú, grasiṣṇu, grahiṣṇu, cariṣṇú, -janiṣṇu, jayiṣṇu, tapiṣṇu, -trapiṣṇu, -patiṣṇu, -bhaviṣṇu, bhrājiṣṇu, madíṣṇu, -maviṣṇu, yajiṣṇu, yāciṣṇu, -vadiṣṇu, vardhiṣṇu, -sahiṣṇu.

b. From secondary conjugation-stems: kopayiṣṇu, kṣapayiṣṇu, cyāvayiṣṇú, janayiṣṇu, tāpayiṣṇu, namayiṣṇu, patayiṣṇu, poṣayiṣṇú, pārayiṣṇú, bodhayiṣṇu, mādayiṣṇú, yamayiṣṇú, ropayiṣṇu, -vārayiṣṇu, -çocayiṣṇú; and jāgariṣṇu. An anomalous formation is ulbaniṣṇu.

c. These derivatives are freely compounded with prefixes: e. g. niṣatsnú, prajaniṣṇú, abhiçocayiṣṇú, saṁvārayisṇu.

d. It is not unlikely that the s of this suffix is originally that of a stem, to which nu was added. Such a character is still apparent in kraviṣṇú craving raw flesh (kravis); and also in vadhasnú, vṛdhasnú (?), and prathasnu (?).

1195. स्न sna. Extremely few words have this ending.

a. It is seen in tīkṣṇá sharp, and perhaps in çlakṣṇá, -rūkṣṇá, mārtsna; and in geṣṇa and deṣṇá (usually trisyllabic: daīṣṇa) gift. Unless in the last, it is not found preceded by i; but it has (like snu, above) a before it in vadhasná deadly weapon, karásna fore-arm; nadīṣṇa skilled seems to be secondary. Feminines are mṛtsnā loam, jyotsnā moonlight.

1196. त्नु tnu. This suffix is used in nearly the same way with स्नु snu (above, 1194).

a. As used with simple roots, the t is generally capable of being considered the adscititious t after a short root-final, to which nu is then added: thus, kṛtnú active, gatnú (? RV.), hatnú deadly, -tatnu (?) stretching; and, from reduplicated roots, jigatnú hasting, and jighatnú harming; but also dartnú bursting. Also, with union-vowel, dravitnú running, dayitnu (? LÇS.).

b. With causative stems: for example, drāvayitnú hasting, poṣayitnú nourishing, mādayitnú intoxicating, tanayitnú and stanayitnú thunder, sūdayitnú flowing, -āmayitnú sickening.

c. With preceding a, in pīyatnú scoffing, mehatnú a river, ā-rujatnú breaking into; and kavatnú miserly (obscure derivation).

1197. स sa. The words ending in suffixal स sa, with or without preceding union-vowel, are a heterogeneous group, and in considerable part of obscure derivation. Thus:

a. With sa simply: gṛtsa clever, jeṣá winning (rather, aoristic s? 1148j), -dṛkṣa looking, rukṣá shining, rūkṣá rough; útsa n. fountain; bhīṣā́ f. fear (or from the secondary root bhīṣ).

b. With preceding i-vowel: taviṣá (f. táviṣī) strong, mahiṣá (f. máhiṣī) mighty, bhariṣá (?) seeking booty; ṛjīṣá rushing, púrīṣa rubbish, manīṣā́ f. devotion; and compare rayīṣín (? SV.).

c. With preceding u-vowel: aruṣá (f. áruṣī) red, açúṣa ravenous, táruṣa overcomer, púruṣa and mánuṣa (-us-a?) man; pīyū́ṣa biestings.

1198. असि asi. A few words in the oldest language are made with a suffix having this form (perhaps produced by the addition of i to as).

a. Thus, atasí vagabond, dharnasí firm, sānasí winning; and dhāsí m. drink, f. station, sarasí (?) pool.

1199. अभ abha. A few names of animals, for the most part of obscure derivation, show this ending.

a. Thus, vṛṣabhá and ṛṣabhá bull, çarabhá a certain fabulous animal, çerabha a certain snake, gardabhá and rā́sabha ass; further, kanabha, karabha and kalabha, laṭabha, çalabha; and, with other union-vowels, tuṇḍibha, nuṇḍibha, and kukkubha. The feminine, if occurring, is in ī; and kaṭabhī is found without corresponding masculine. AV. has the adjective sthūlabhá, equivalent to sthūlá.

1200. A few words ending in the consonants t, d, j, etc., and for the most part of doubtful root-connections, were given above, at 383k (3–5, 7); it is unnecessary to repeat them here. Certain of those in at are perhaps related to the participles in ant (1172).

1201. A number of other primary suffixes are either set up by the grammarians and supported with examples of questionable value, or are doubtfully deducible from isolated words traceable to known roots, or from words of obscure connection.

a. A few such may be mentioned here: aṇḍa in karaṇḍa and váraṇḍa and certain unquotable words (prakritized a-forms from the present participle); era and ora in unquotable words, and elima (above, 966 d: perhaps a further derivative with secondary ima from era); mara (ma or man with secondary ra added) in ghasmara, sṛmará, etc.; — sara in matsará, kara in púṣkara and other obscure words, pa in púṣpa, stupá, stū́pa, and a number of other obscure words; and so on.

B. Secondary Derivatives.

1202. Words of secondary derivation are made by the addition of further suffixes to stems already ending in evident suffixes.

a. But also, as pointed out above (1137 b), to pronominal roots.

b. Further, in exceptional cases, to indeclinables, to case-forms, and to phrases: e. g. antarvant, apitvá, paratastva, sahatva, sārvatrika, āikadhya, mā́maka, āmuṣmika, āmuṣyāyaṇá, apsumánt, apsavyà, kiṁcanya, kiṁkartavyatā, kvācitka, nāstika, akiṁcinmaya.

1203. Changes of the stem. The stem to which the suffix is added is liable to certain changes of form.

a. Before a suffix beginning with a vowel or with y (which in this respect is treated as if it were i), final a- and i-vowels are regularly lost altogether, while a final u-vowel has the guṇa-strengthening and becomes av; and o and āu (all of rare occurrence) are treated in accordance with usual euphonic rule.

b. An u-vowel also sometimes remains unstrengthened: see 1208 e.

c. A final n is variously treated, being sometimes retained, and sometimes lost, even along with a preceding a; and sometimes an a is lost, while the n remains: thus, vṛṣaṇvant, vṛṣaṇa, vṛṣa, vrṛṣatva, vṛṣṇya, from vṛṣan. Of a stem ending in ant, the weak form, in at, is regularly taken: thus, vāivasvata (vivasvant).

d. In general, the masculine form of a primitive stem is that from which a further secondary derivative is made. But there are not very rare cases in which the feminine is taken instead; examples are satītva, bhāryātva, pranītātvá, bhāratīvant, rakṣāvant, priyāvant. On the other hand, a final long vowel — ī, much more rarely ā — generally of a feminine stem, is sometimes shortened in derivation: thus, yājyàvant, praçākhavant, goṣátama, vaçátamā, sadhanitvá, jaratikā, annādítamā (cf. 471 b), rohinitvá (TB.; -nītvá ÇB.), pṛhivitvá, pratipatnivat, sárasvativant.

e. As was pointed out above (111 c, d), the combination of a secondary suffix with a stem is sometimes made according to the rules of external combination. Such cases are pointed out under the suffixes īya (1215 e), ka (1222 m), maya (1225 a), min (1231 b), vin (1232 c), vant (1233 i), van (1234 c), mant (1235 f), tva (1239 c), taya (1245 a), tya (1245 c), tana (1245 i).

1204. The most frequent change in secondary derivation is the vṛddhi-strengthening of an initial syllable of the stem to which a suffix is added.

a. The strengthened syllable may be of any character: radical, of a prefix, or of the first member of a compound: thus, āçviná (açvín), sāumyá (sóma), pā́rthiva (pṛthivī́), āmitrá (amítra), sā́mrājya (samrā́j), sāúkṛtya (sukṛtá), māitrāvaruṇá (mitrā́váruṇā), āuccāiḥçravasá (uccāíḥçravas). As to the accompanying accent, see the next paragraph.

b. If a stem begins with a consonant followed by y or v, the semivowel is sometimes vriddhied, as if it were i or u, and the resulting āi or āu has y or v further added before the succeeding vowel.

c. This is most frequent where the y or v belongs to a prefix — as ni, vi, su — altered before a following initial vowel: thus, nāiyāyika from nyāya (as if niyāya), vāiyaçvá from vyàçva (as if viyaçva), sāúvaçvya from sváçva (as if suvaçva); but it occurs also in other cases, as sāuvará from svára, çāuva from çvan, against svāyambhuva (svayambhū), and so on. AV. has irregularly kāveraká from kúvera (as if from kvéra, without the euphonic y inserted).

d. This strengthening takes place especially, and very often, before the suffixes a and ya; also regularly before i, āyana, eya (with ineya), and later īya; before the compound aka and ika, and later aki; and, in single sporadic examples before, na, ena, ra, and tva (?): see these various suffixes below.

e. Sometimes an unstrengthened word is prefixed to one thus strengthened, as if the composition were made after instead of before the strengthening: e. g. indradāivatya having Indra as divinity (instead of āindradevatya), caramaçāirṣika with head to the west, jīvalāukika belonging to the world of the living, antarbhāuma within the earth, somārāudra, gurulāghava (cf. tāmasaṁ guṇalakṣaṇam M. xii. 35). But especially when the first word is of numeral value: as çatáçārada of a hundred years, pañcaçāradī́ya, trisāṁvatsara, bahuvārṣika, aṣṭavārṣika, anekavarṣasāhasra, daçasāhasra, trisāhasrī, tripāuruṣa, caturādhyāyī or -yikā of four chapters, etc. etc.

f. More often, both members of a compound word have the initial strengthening: e. g. sāumapāuṣṇá, kāúrupāñcāla, cāturvāidya, āihalāukika, āikabhāutika, trāisṭubjāgata, yājurvāidika. Such cases are not rare.

g. The guṇa-strengthening (except of a final u-vowel: 1203 a) is only in the rarest cases an accompaniment of secondary derivation. Exceptions are dvayá and trayá and náva (1200 i), bheṣajá and devá (1209 j), dróna (1223 g), çekhara (1226 a).

1205. Accent. a. The derivatives with initial vṛddhi-strengthening always have their accent on either the first or the last syllable. And usually it is laid, as between these two situations, in such a way as to be furthest removed from the accent of the primitive; yet, not rarely, it is merely drawn down upon the suffix from the final of the latter; much less often, it remains upon an initial syllable without change. Only in the case of one or two suffixes is the distinction between initial and final accent connected with any difference in the meaning and use of the derivatives (see below, suffix eya: 1216).

b. No other general rules as to accent can be given. Usually the suffix takes the tone, or else this remains where it was in the primitive; quite rarely, it is thrown back to the initial syllable (as in derivation with initial vṛddhi); and in a single case (: 1237) it is drawn down to the syllable preceding the suffix.

1206. Meaning. a. The great mass of secondary suffixes are adjective-making: they form from nouns adjectives indicating appurtenance or relation, of the most indefinite and varied character. But, as a matter of course, this indefiniteness often undergoes specialization: so, particularly, into designation of procedure or descent, so that distinctive patronymic and metronymic and gentile words are the result; or, again, into the designation of possession. Moreover, while the masculines and feminines of such adjectives are employed as appellatives, the neuter is also widely used as an abstract, denoting the quality expressed attributively by the adjective; and neuter abstracts are with the same suffixes made from adjectives. There are also special suffixes (very few) by which abstracts are made directly, from adjective or noun.

b. A few suffixes make no change in the part of speech of the primitive, but either change its degree (diminution and comparison), or make other modifications, or leave its meaning not sensibly altered.

1207. The suffixes will be taken up below in the following order. First, the general adjective-making suffixes, beginning with those of most frequent use (a, ya and its connections, i, ka); then, those of specific possessive value (in, vant and mant, and their connections); then, the abstract-making ones ( and tva, and their connections); then, the suffixes of comparison etc.; and finally, those by which derivatives are made only or almost only from particles.

a. For convenience of reference, a list of them in their order as treated is here added:

a 1206–9
ya 1210–13
iya 1214
īya 1215
eya, eyya 1216
enya 1217
āyya 1218
āyana 1219
āyī 1220
i, aki 1221
ka, aka, ika 1222
na, āna, īna, ina, ena 1223
ma, ima, mna 1224
maya 1225
ra, ira, etc. 1226
la, lu 1227
va, vala, vaya, vya 1226
ça 1229
in 1230
min 1231
vin 1232
vant 1233
van 1234
mant 1235
tāti, tāt 1238
tva, tvatā 1239
tvana 1240
tara, tama 1242
ra, ma "
tha "
titha "
taya 1245
tya "
ta "
na "
tana, tna "
vat "
kaṭa "
vana, ā "

1208. अ a. With this suffix are made an immensely large class of derivatives, from nouns or from adjectives having a noun-value. Such derivatives are primarily and especially adjectives, denoting having a relation or connection (of the most various kind) with that denoted by the more primitive word. But they are also freely used substantively: the masculine and feminine as appellatives, the neuter, especially and frequently, as abstract. Often they have a patronymic or gentile value.

a. The regular and greatly prevailing formation is that which is accompanied with vṛddhi-strengthening of the first syllable of the primitive word, simple or compound. Examples of this formation are:

b. From primitives ending in consonants: with the usual shift of accent, āyasá of metal (áyas), mānasá relating to the mind (mánas), sāumanasá friendliness (sumánas), brāhmaṇá priest (bráhman), hāimavatá from the Himalaya (himávant), ān̄girasá of the Angiras family (án̄giras); hā́stina elephantine (hastín), mā́ruta pertaining to the Maruts (marút); — with accent thrown forward from the final upon the suffix, çāradá autumnal, vāirājá relating to the virā́j, pāuṣṇá belonging to Pūshán; gāirikṣitá son of Girikshít; — with accent unchanged, mā́nuṣa descendant of Mánus.

c. The suffix is added (as above instanced) to the middle stem-form of stems in vant; it is added to the weakest in mā́ghona and vā́rtraghna; the ending in remains unchanged; an usually does the same, but sometimes loses its a, as in pāuṣṇá, trāivṛṣṇá, dāçarājñá; and sometimes its n, as in brāhmá, āukṣá, bārhatsāma.

d. From primitives in : jāítra victorious (jetṛ́ or jétṛ conqueror), tvāṣṭrá relating to Tváshtar, sāvitrá descendant of the sun (savitṛ́), āúdbhetra, pāitra.

e. From primitives in u: usually with guṇa-strengthening of the u, as vāsavá relating to the Vásus, ārtavá concerning the seasons (ṛtú), dānavá child of Dānu (dā́nu), sāindhavá from the Indus (síndhu); — but sometimes without, as mā́dhva full of sweets (mádhu), pārçva side (párçu rib), pāidvá belonging to Pedú, tā́nva of the body (tanū́), yā́dva of Yádu.

f. From primitives in i and ī, which vowels are supplanted by the added suffix: pā́rthiva earthly (pṛthivī́), sārasvatá of the Sárasvatī, āindrāgná belonging to Indra and Agni (indrāgnī́); pā́n̄kta five-fold (pan̄ktí), nāirṛtá belonging to Nírṛti, pārthuraçmá of Pṛthuraçmi, pāçupatá of Paçupáti.

g. From primitives in ā, which in like manner disappears: yāmuná of the Yamúnā, sāraghá honey etc. (sarághā bee), kānīná natural child (kanī́nā girl).

h. A large number (more than all the rest together) from primitives in a, of which the final is replaced by the suffix: for example, with the usual shift of accent, āmitrá inimical (amítra enemy), vāruṇá of Váruṇa, vāiçvadevá belonging to all the gods (viçvádeva), nāirhastá handlessness (nírhasta), vāiçvadevá descendant of Vyàçva; gā́rdabha asinine (gardabhá), dāíva divine (devá), mā́dhyaṁdina meridional (madhyáṁdina), pāútra grandchild (putrá son), sāúbhaga good fortune (subhága), vā́dhryaçva of Vadhryaçvá's race; with unchanged accent (comparatively few), vāsantá vernal (vasantá spring), māitrá Mitrá's, ātithigvá of Atithigvá's race, dāívodāsa Dívodāsa's. In a few instances, ya is replaced by the suffix: thus, sāura, pāuṣá, yājñavalka.

i. The derivatives of this last form are sometimes regarded as made by internal change, without added suffix. Considering, however, that other final vowels are supplanted by this suffix, that a disappears as stem-final also before various other suffixes of secondary derivation, and that no examples of derivation without suffix are quotable from primitives of any other final than a, it seems far too violent to assume here a deviation from the whole course of Indo-European word-making.

j. Adjectives of this formation make their feminines in ī (see 332 a).

1209. The derivatives made by adding अ a without vṛddhi-change of the initial syllable are not numerous, and are in considerable part, doubtless, of inorganic make, results of the transfer to an a-declension of words of other finals.

a. A number of examples of stems in a made by transfer were noticed above (399). The cases of such transition occur most frequently in composition (1315): thus, further, apa- (for ap or āp water), -ṛca, -nara, etc.; from stems in an, -aha, -vṛṣa, etc., but also -ahna and -vṛṣṇa and vṛ́ṣaṇa; from stems in i, -an̄gula, -rātra, etc.; from the weakest forms of añc-stems (407) uccá, nīcá, parācá, etc.

b. Also occurring especially in composition, yet likewise as simple words often enough to have an independent aspect, are derivatives in a from nouns in as (rarely is, us): thus, for example, tamasá, rajasá, payasá, brahmavarcasá, sarvavedasá, devāinasá, paruṣá, tryāyuṣá, and probably mánuṣa.

c. Similar derivatives from adjectives in in are reckoned by the grammarians as made with the suffix ina: thus, malina polluted, parameṣṭhína etc. (see 441 b).

d. A number of words formed with the so-called suffix anta are evident transfers from stems in ant. A few of them are found even from the earliest period: thus, pā́nta draught, çvāntá (?), vasantá spring, hemantá winter, veçantá etc. tank, jīvantī́ a certain healing plant; and others occur later, as jayanta, taranta, madhumanta, etc. They are said to be accented on the final.

e. From añc-stems (407) are made a few nouns ending in k-a: thus, ánūka, ápāka, upā́ka, prátīka, parāká, etc.

f. From stems in , hotrá, netrá, neṣṭrá, potrá, praçāstrá, etc., from titles of priests; also dhātrá, bhrātrá, etc.

g. Other scattering cases are: savidyutá, āvyuṣá, vī́rudha, kákuda, kakubhá, açúṣa, bhūmyá, sakhyá, ádhipatya, jāspatyá, araṭvá, pānḍvá.

h. The Vedic gerundives in tva (tua), made by addition of a to abstract noun-stems in tu, have been already (966 a) fully given.

i. Trayá and dvayá come with guna-strengthening from numeral stems; náva new in like manner from now; and ántara apparently from antár.

j. Bheṣajá medicine is from bhiṣáj healer, with guṇa-change; and probably devá heavenly, divine, god, in like manner from div sky, heaven (there is no "root div shine" in the language).

1210. य ya. With this suffix are made a very large class of words, both in the old language and later.

a. The derivatives in ya exhibit a great and perplexing variety of form, connection, and application; and the relations of the suffix to others containing a ya-element — iya, īya, eya, āyya, eyya, enya — are also in part obscure and difficult. In the great majority of instances in the oldest language, the ya when it follows a consonant is dissyllabic in metrical value, or is to be read as ia. Thus, in RV., 266 words (excluding compounds) have ia, and only 75 have ya always; 46 are to be read now with ia and now with ya, but many of these have ya only in isolated cases. As might be expected, the value ia is more frequent after a heavy syllable: thus, in RV., there are 188 examples of ia and 27 of ya after such a syllable, and 78 of ia and 96 of ya after a light syllable (the circumflexed — that is to say, ía — being, as is pointed out below, 1212 l, more liable to the resolution than ya or ). It must be left for further researches to decide whether in the ya are not included more than one suffix, with different accent, and different quantity of the i-element; or with an a added to a final i of the primitive. It is also matter for question whether there is a primary as well as a secondary suffix ya; the suffix at least comes to be used as if primary, in the formation of gerundives and in that of action-nouns: but it is quite impossible to separate the derivatives into two such classes, and it has seemed preferable therefore to treat them ail together here.

b. The derivatives made with ya may be first divided into those which do and those which do not show an accompanying vṛddhi-increment of the initial syllable.

c. Adjectives in ya, of both these divisions, make their feminines regularly in . But in a number of cases, a feminine in ī is made, either alone or beside one in : e. g. cāturmāsī, āgniveçī, çāṇḍilī, ā́rī (and ā́ryā), dāívī (and dāívyā), sāumī (and sāumyā); dhīrī́, çīrṣaṇī, svarī, etc.

1211. Derivatives in य ya with initial vṛddhi-strengthening follow quite closely, in form and meaning, the analogy of those in अ a (above, 1208). They are, however, decidedly less common than the latter (in Veda, ahout three fifths as many).

a. Examples are : with the usual shift of accent, dāívya divine (devá), pā́litya grayness (palitá), grāívya cervical (grīvā́), ā́rtvijya priestly office (ṛtvíj), gā́rhapatya householder's (gṛhápati), jā́narājya kingship (janarā́j), sā́ṁgrāmajitya victory in battle (saṁgrāmajít), sāúvaçvya wealth in houses (sváçva), āúpadraṣṭrya witness (upadraṣṭṛ́); ādityá Aditya (áditi), sāumyá relating to sóma, ātithyá hospitality (átithi), prājāpatyá belonging to Prajā́pati, vāimanasyá mindlessness (vímanas), sā́hadevya descendant of Sahádeva; — with accent thrown forward from the final upon the ending, lāukyá of the world (loká), kāvyá of the Kaví-race, ārtvyá descendant of Ritú, vāyavyá belonging to the wind (vāyú), rāivatyá wealth (revánt); with unchanged accent (very few), ā́dhipatya lordship (ádhipati), çrāíṣṭhya excellence (çréṣṭha), vāíçya belonging to the third class (víç people), pāúṁsya manliness (púṁs).

b. The AV. has once nāirbādhyà, with circumflexed final; if not an error, it is doubtless made through nāirbādha; vāiṣṇavyāú (VS. i. 12) appears to be dual fem. of vāiṣṇavī́.

1212. Derivatives in य ya without initial vṛddhi-strengthening are usually adjectives, much less often (neuter, or, in या , feminine) abstract nouns. They are made from every variety of primitive, and are very numerous (in Veda, three or four times as many as the preceding class).

a. The general mass of these words may be best divided according to their accent, into: 1. Words retaining the accent of the primitive; 2. Words with retracted accent; 3. Words with acute (); 4. Words with circumflexed (ía). Finally may be considered the words, gerundives and action-nouns, which have the aspect of primary derivatives.

1. b. Examples of derivatives in ya retaining the accent of their primitives are: áçvya equine (áçva), án̄gya of the limbs (án̄ga), múkhya foremost (múkha mouth), ávya ovine (ávi), gávya bovine (), víçya of the people (víç), dúrya of the door (dúr), nárya manly (nṛ́), vṛ́ṣṇya virile (vṛ́ṣan), svarā́jya autocracy (svarā́j), suvī́rya wealth in retainers (suvī́ra), viçvájanya of all men, viçvádevya of all the gods (viçvádeva), mayū́raçepya peacock-tailed.

c. In the last words, and in a few others, the ya appears to be used (like ka, 1222 h: cf. 1212 m) as a suffix simply helping to make a possessive compound: and so further suhástya (beside the equivalent suhásta), mádhuhastya, dáçamāsya, miçrádhānya, anyódarya, samānodarya.

2. d. Examples with retraction of the accent to the first syllable (as in derivation with vṛddhi-increment) are: káṇṭhya guttural (kaṇṭhá), skándhya humeral (skandhá), vrátya of a ceremony (vratá), méghya in the clouds (meghá), pítrya of the Fathers (pitṛ́), prátijanya adverse (pratijaná). Hiraṇyáya of gold (híraṇya), is anomalous both in drawing the accent forward and in retaining the final a of the primitive; and gavyáya and avyáya (also ávyaya) are to be compared with it as to formation.

3. e. Examples with acute accent on the suffix are: divyá heavenly (dív), satyá true (sánt), vyāghryá tigrine (vyāghrá), kavyá wise (kaví), grāmyá of the village (grā́ma), somyá relating to the sóma, anenasyá sinlessness (anenás), adakṣiṇyá not fit for dákṣiṇā.

4. f. Of derivatives ending in circumflexed (which in the Veda are considerably more numerous than all the three preceding classes together), examples are as follows:

g. From consonant-stems: viçyà of the clan (RV.: víç), hṛdyá of the heart (hṛ́d), vidyutyà of the lightning (vidyút), rājanyà of the royal class (rā́jan), doṣaṇyà of the arm (doṣán), çīrṣaṇyà of the head (çīrṣán), karmaṇyà active (kárman), dhanvanyà of the plain (dhánvan), namasyà reverend (námas), tvacasyà cuticular (tvácas), barhiṣyà of barhís, āyuṣyà giving life (ā́yus), bhasadyà of the buttocks (bhasád), prācyà eastern (prā́ñc), etc. Of exceptional formation is aryamyà intimate (aryamán), with which doubtless belong sātmya (sātman) and sākṣya (sākṣin).

h. From u-stems: hanavyà of the jaws (hánu), vāyavya belonging to Vāyú, paçavyà relating to rattle (paçú), iṣavyà relating to arrows (íṣu), madhavyà of the sweet (mádhu), apsavyà of the waters (apsú lo.), rajjavyà of rope (rájju); çaravyā̀ f. arrow (çáru, do.); and there may be added nāvyà navigable (especially in fem., nāvyā̀ navigable stream: nāú boat). The RV. has prāçavyà to be partaken of (pra+√), without any corresponding noun prāçu; and also ūrjavyà rich in nourishment (ūrj), without any intermediate ūrju.

i. Under this head belong, as was pointed out above (964), the so-called gerundives in tavyà, as made by the addition of to the infinitive noun in tu. They are wholly wanting in the oldest language, and hardly found in later Vedic, although still later tavya wins the value of a primary suffix, and makes numerous verbal derivatives.

j. From i- and ī-stems hardly any examples are to be quoted. VS. has dundubhyà from dundubhí.

k. From a-stems: svargyà heavenly (svargá), devatyà relating to a deity (devátā), prapathyà guiding (prapathá), budhnyà fundamental (budhná), jaghanyà hindmost (jaghána), varuṇyà Váruna's, vīryà might (vīrá), udaryà abdominal (udára), utsyà of the fountain (útsa); and from ā-stems, urvaryà of cultivated land (urvárā), svāhyà relating to the exclamation svā́hā.

l. The circumflexed is more generally resolved (into ía) than the other forms of the suffix: thus, in RV. it is never to be read as ya after a heavy syllable ending with a consonant; and even after a light one it becomes ía in more than three quarters of the examples.

m. There are a few cases in which appears to be used to help make a compound with governing preposition (next chapter, 1310: of. 1212 c): thus, apikakṣyà about the arm-pit, upapakṣyà upon the sides, udāpyà up-stream; and perhaps upatṛṇyà lying in the grass (occurs only in voc.). But, with other accent, ánvāntrya through the entrails, úpamāsya in each month, abhinabhyá up to the clouds, antaḥparçavyá between the ribs, ádhigartya on the chariot sent; of unknown accent, adhihastya, anupṛṣṭhya, anunāsikya, anuvaṅçya.

1213. The derivatives in य ya as to which it may be questioned whether they are not, a least in part, primary derivatives from the beginning, are especially the gerundives, together with action-nouns coincident with these in form; in the later language, the gerundive-formation (above, 963) comes to be practically a primary one.

a. In RV. occur about forty instances of gerundives in ya, of tolerably accordant form: the root usually unstrengthened (but cétya, bhávya, -hávya, márjya, yódhya; also -mā́dya, -vā́cya, bhāvyá); the accent on the radical syllable when the word is simple, or compounded with prepositions: thus, praçásya, upasádya, vihávya (but usually on the final after the negative prefix: thus, anāpyá, anapavṛjyá) — exceptions are only bhāvyá and the doubtful ākāyyà; the ya resolved into ia in the very great majority of occurrences; a final short vowel followed by t (in -ítya, -kṛtya, -çrútya, -stútya, and the reduplicated carkṛ́tya, beside carkṛ́ti: not in návya and -hávya), and ā changed to e (in -deya only). If regarded as secondary, they might be made with ya, in accordance with other formations by this suffix, in part from the root-noun, as anukṛ́t-ya, in part from derivatives in a, as bhāvyá (from bhāva).

b. The AV. has a somewhat smaller number (about twenty-five) of words of a like formation; but also a considerable group (fifteen) of derivatives in with the same value: thus, for example, ādyà eatable, kāryà to be done, samāpyà to be obtained, atitāryà to be overpassed, nīvibhāryà to be carried in the apron, prathamavāsyà to be first worn, These seem more markedly of secondary origin: and especially such forms as parivargyà to be avoided, avimokyá not to be gotten rid of, where the guttural reversion clearly indicates primitives in ga and ka (216 h).

c. Throughout the older language are of common occurrence neuter abstract nouns of the same make with the former of these classes. They are rarely found except in composition (in AV., only cítya and stéya as simple), and are often used in the dative, after the manner of a dative infinitive. Examples are: brahmajyéya, vasudéya, bhāgadhéya, pūrvapéya, çataséya, abhibhū́ya, devahū́ya, mantraçrútya, karmakṛ́tya, vṛtratū́rya, hotṛvū́rya, ahihátya, sattrasádya, çirṣabhídya, brahmacárya, nṛṣáhya. Of exceptional form are ṛtódya (√vad) and sahaçéyya (√çī); of exceptional accent, sadhástutya. And AV. has one example, raṇyà, with circumflexed final.

d. Closely akin with these, in meaning and use, is a smaller class of feminines in yā́: thus, kṛtyā́, vidyā́, ityā́, agnicityā́, vājajityā́, muṣṭihatyā́, devayajyā́, etc.

e. There remain, of course, a considerable number of less classifiable words, both nouns and adjectives, of which a few from the older language may be mentioned, without discussion of their relations: thus, sū́rya (with fem. sūryā́), ā́jya, púṣya, nábhya; yújya, gṛ́dhya, írya, aryá and ā́rya, márya, mádhya.

The suffixes apparently most nearly akin with ya may best be next taken up.

1214. इय iya. This suffix is virtually identical with the preceding, being but another written form of the same thing. It is used only after two consonants, where the direct addition of य ya would create a combination of difficult utterance. It has the same variety of accent with ya. Thus:

a. With accent íya (= ía or ): for example, abhríya (also abhriyá) from the clouds (abhrá), kṣatríya having authority (kṣatrá), yajñíya reverend (yajñá), hotríya libational (hótrā), amitríya inimical (amítra).

b. With accent iyá (= ía or ): for example, agriyá (also agríya) foremost (ágra), indriyá Indra's (later, sense: índra), kṣetriyá of the field (kṣétra).

c. With accent on the primitive: çrótriya learned (çrótra), ṛ́tviya (also ṛtvíya) in season (ṛtú).

1215. ईय īya. This suffix also is apparently by origin a ya (īa) of which the first element has maintained its long quantity by the interposition of a euphonic y. It is accented always on the ī́.

a. In RV. occur, of general adjectives, only ārjikī́ya and gṛhamedhī́ya, and examples in the later Vedic are very few: e. g. parvatī́ya mountainous (AV., beside RV. parvatyà). In the Brāhmaṇas are found a number of adjectives, some of them from phrases (first words of verses and the like): thus, anyarāṣṭrī́ya, pan̄cavātī́ya, mārjālī́ya, kayāçubhīya, svāduṣkilīya, apohiṣṭhīya, etc.

b. It was pointed out above (965) that derivative adjectives in īya from action-nouns in ana begin in later Veda and in Brāhmaṇa to be used gerundivally, and are a recognized formation as gerundives in the classical language. But adjectives in anīlya without gerundive character are also common.

c. Derivatives in īya with initial vṛddhi are sometimes made in the later language: e. g. pārvatīya, pāitāputrīya, āparapaksīya, vāirakīya.

d. The pronominal possessives madīya etc. (516 a) do not occur either in Veda or in Brāhmaṇa; but the ordinals dvitī́ya etc. (487 b, c: with fractional tṛ́tīya and túrīya: 488 a) are found from the earliest period.

e. The possessives bhagavadīya and bhavadīya, with the final of the primitive made sonant, have probably had their form determined by the pronominal possessives in -dīya.

1216. एय eya. With this suffix, accompanied by vṛddhi-increment of an initial syllable, are made adjectives, often having a patronymic or metronymic value. Their neuter is sometimes used as abstract noun. The accent rests usually on the final in adjectives of descent, and on the first syllable in others.

a. Examples are: ārṣeyá descendant of a sage (ṛ́ṣi), jānaçruteyá son of Jānacruti, sārameyá of Sarámā's race, çātavaneyá Çatavani's descendant, rāthajiteyá son of Rathajít; ā́sneya of the blood (asán), vā́steya of the bladder (vastí), pāúruṣeya coming from man (púruṣa), pāitṛsvaseya of a paternal aunt (pitṛsvasṛ), etc.

b. A more than usual proportion of derivatives in eya come from primitives in i or ī; and probably the suffix first gained its form by addition of ya to a gunated i, though afterward used independently.

c. The gerundive etc. derivatives in ya (above, 1213) from ā-roots end in éya; and, besides such, RV. etc. have sabhéya from sabhā́, and didṛkṣéya worth seeing, apparently from the desiderative noun didṛkṣā́, after their analogy. M. has once adhyeya as gerund of √i.

d. Derivatives in the so-called suffix ineyá — as bhāgineyá, jyāiṣṭhineya, kāniṣṭhineya — are doubtless made upon proximate derivatives in -inī (fem.).

e. In eyya (i. e. eyia) end, besides the neuter abstract sahaçéyya (above, 1213 c), the adjective of gerundival meaning stuṣéyya (with aoristic s added to the root), and çapatheyyà curse-bringing (or accursed), from çapátha.

1217. एन्य enya. This suffix is doubtless secondary in origin, made by the addition of य ya to derivatives in a na-suffix; but, like others of similar origin, it is applied in some measure independently, chiefly in the older language, where it has nearly the value of the later anīya (above, 1215 b), as making gerundival adjectives.

a. The y of this suffix is almost always to be read as vowel, and the accent is (except in váreṇya) on the e: thus -énia.

b. The gerundives have been all given above, under the different conjugations to which they attach themselves (966 b, 1019 b, 1038). The RV. has also two non-gerundival adjectives, vīréṇya manly (vīrá), and kīrténya famous (kīrtí), and TS. has anabhiçastenyá (abhíçasti); vijenyà (RV.) is a word of doubtful connections; çikṣeṇya instructive is found in a Sūtra; prāvṛṣeṇya of the rainy season occurs later.

1218. आय्य āyya. With this suffix are made gerundival adjectives, almost only in RV. They have been noticed above (966 c). The ending is everywhere to be read as ā́yia.

a. A few adjectives without gerundival value, and neuter abstracts, also occur: thus, bahupā́yya protecting many, nṛpā́yya men-guarding; kuṇḍapā́yya, and purumā́yya, proper names; pūrvapā́yya first drink, mahayā́yya enjoyment; — and rasā́yya nervous, and uttamā́yya summit, contain no verbal root. Alā́yya is doubtful; also ākāyyà, which its accent refers to a different formation, along with prahāyyà (AV.: √hi) messenger, and pravāyyà (AV.), of doubtful value.

1219. आयन āyana. In the Brāhmaṇas and later, patronymics made by this suffix are not rare. They come from stems in, अ a, and have vṛddhi-strengthening of the first syllable, and accent on the final.

a. In RV., the only example of this formation is kāṇvāyana (voc.: káṇva); AV. has in metrical parts dākṣāyaṇá and the fem. rāmāyaṇī́; and āmuṣyāyaṇá son of so-and-so (516) in its prose; ÇB. has rājastambā́yana beside -bāyaná. The RV. name ukṣaṇyā́yana is of a different make, elsewhere unknown.

1220. आयी āyī. Only a very few words are made with this suffix, namely agnā́yī (agní) Agni's wife, vṛṣākapāyī wife of Vrishā́kapi; and later pūtakrātayī, and manāyī Manu's wife (but manāvī́ ÇB.).

a. They seem to be feminines of a derivative in a made with vṛddhi-increment of the final i of the primitive.

1221. इ i. Derivatives made with this suffix are patronymics from nouns in a. The accent rests on the initial syllable, which has the vṛddhi-strengthening.

a. In RV. are found half-a-dozen patronymics in i: for example, ā́gniveçi, pāúrukutsi, prā́tardani, sā́ṁvaraṇi; AV. has but one, prā́hrādi; in the Brāhmaṇas they are more common: thus, in AB., sāuyavasi, jānaṁtapi, āruṇi, jānaki, etc. A single word of other value — sā́rathi charioteer (sarátham) — is found from RV. down.

b. The words made with the so-called suffix aki — as vāiyāsaki descendant of Vyāsa — are doubtless properly derivatives in i from others in ka or aka. That the secondary suffix ika is probably made by addition of ka to a derivative in i is pointed out below (1222 j).

c. RV. has tápuṣi, apparently from tápus with a secondary i added, and the n. pr. çucantī́; bhuvantí is found in B., and jīvanti later.

1222. क ka. This is doubtless originally one of the class of suffixes forming adjectives of appurtenance. And that value it still has in actual use; yet only in a small minority of occurrences. It has been, on the one hand, specialized into an element forming diminutives; and, on the other hand, and much more widely, attenuated into an element without definable value, added to a great many nouns and adjectives to make others of the same meaning — this last is, even in the Veda, and still more in the later language, its chief office.

a. Hence, ka easily associates itself with the finals of derivatives to which it is attached, and comes to seem along with them an integral suffix, and is further used as such. Of this origin are doubtless, as was seen above (1180, 1181), the so-called primary suffixes uka and aka; and likewise the secondary suffix ika (below; j).

b. The accent of derivatives in ka varies — apparently without rule, save that the words most plainly of diminutive character have the tone usually on the suffix.

c. Examples (from the older language) of words in which the suffix has an adjective-making value are: ántaka (ánta) end-making, bálhīka (bálhi) of Balkh, āṇḍī́ka (āṇḍá) egg-bearing, sūcī́ka (sūcī́) stinging, urvāruká fruit of the gourd (urvārú), paryāyiká (paryāyá) strophic; from numerals, ekaká, dvaká, triká, áṣṭaka; tṛ́tīyaka of the third day; from pronoun-stems, asmā́ka ours, yuṣmā́ka yours, mámaka mine (516 d); from prepositions, ántika near, ánuka following, ávakā a plant (later adhika, utka); and, with accent retracted to the initial syllable (besides áṣṭaka and tṛ́tīyaka, already given), rū́paka (rūpá) with form, bábhruka (babhrú brown) a certain lizard. Bhāvatka your worship's has an anomalous initial vṛddhi.

d. Of words in which a diminutive meaning is more or less probable: açvaká nag, kanī́naka and kumāraká boy, kanīnakā́ or kanī́nikā girl, pādaká little foot, putraká little son, rājaká princeling, çakuntaká birdling. Sometimes a contemptuous meaning is conveyed by such a diminutive: for formations with this value from pronominal stems, see above, 521; other examples are anyaká (RV.), álakam (RV.: from álam), and even the verb-form yāmaki (for yāmi: KB.).

e. The derivatives in ka with unchanged meaning are made from primitives of every variety of form, simple and compound, and have the same variety of accent as the adjective derivatives (with which they are at bottom identical). Thus:

f. From simple nouns and adjectives: ástaka home, nā́sikā nostril, mákṣikā fly, avikā́ ewe, iṣukā́ arrow, dūraká distant, sarvaká all, dhénukā (dhenú) cow, nágnaka (nagná) naked, báddhaka (baddhá) captive, abhinnataraka by no means different, anastamitaké before sunset, vamraká ant, arbhaká small, çiçuká young, aṇīyaska finer, ejatká trembling, abhimādyatká intoxicated, patayiṣṇuká flying. Such derivatives in the later language are innumerable; from almost any given noun or adjective may be made an equivalent, ending in ka or (according to the gender).

g. From compound primitives: svalpaká very small, vímanyuka removing wrath, vikṣiṇatká destroying, pravartamānaká moving forward, viksīṇaká destroyed.

h. In the Brāhmaṇas and later, ka is often added to a possessive adjective compound (1307), sometimes redundantly, but usually in order to obtain a more manageable stem for inflection: thus, anakṣíka eyeless, atvakká skinless, aretáska without seed, vyasthaka boneless, saçiraska along with the head, ekagāyatrīka containing a single gāyatrī-verse, gṛhītávasatīvarīka one who has taken yesterday's water, sapatnīka with his spouse, bahuhastíka having many elephants, sadīkṣopasátka with dīkṣā and upasad, āhitasamitka with his fuel laid on, abhinavavayaska of youthful age, an̄guṣṭhamātraka of thumb size.

i. The vowel by which the ka is preceded has often an irregular character; and especially, a feminine in ikā is so common beside a masculine in aka as to be its regular correspondent (as is the case with the so-called primary aka: above, 1181). In RV. are found beside one another only iyattaká and iyattikā́; but AV. has several examples.

j. Two suffixes made up of ka and a preceding vowel — namely, aka and ika — are given by the grammarians as independent secondary suffixes, requiring initial vṛddhi-strengthening of the primitive. Both of them are doubtless originally made by addition of ka to a final i or a, though coming to be used independently.

k. Of vṛddhi-derivatives in aka no examples have been noted from the older language (unless māmaká mine is to be so regarded); and they are not common in the later: thus, āvaçyaka necessary, vārddhaka old age, rāmaṇīyaka delightfulness.

l. Of vṛddhi-derivatives in ika, the Veda furnishes a very few cases: vā́santika vernal, vā́rṣika of the rainy season, hāímantika wintry (none of them in RV.); AV. has kāirātikā́ of the Kirātas, apparent fem. to a masc. kāirātaka, which is not found till later. Examples from a more recent period (when they become abundant) are: vāidika relating to the Vedas, dhārmika religious, āhnika daily, vāinayika well-behaved, dāuvārika doorkeeper, nāiyāyika versed in the Nyāya.

m. Before the suffix ka, some finals show a form which is characteristic of external rather than internal combination. A final sonant mute, of course, becomes surd, and an aspirate loses its aspiration (117 a, 114): cf. -upasatka, -samitka, above, h. So also a palatal becomes guttural (as before t etc.: 217): e. g. -srukka, -rukka, -tvakka, anṛkka. A s remains after ā˘, and becomes after an alterant vowel (180): e. g. sadyaska, jyotiṣka, dirghāyuṣka. But the other sibilants take the form they would have in composition: thus, adíkka (diç), ṣaṭka, -viṭka, -tviṭka (ṣaṣ etc.). Anāçīrka (TS.: āçis) is anomalous; and so is parutka (Āpast.), if it comes from parus.

1223. Several suffixes, partly of rare occurrence and questionable character, contain a न् n as consonantal element, and may be grouped together here.

a. A few derivatives in āna in RV. were given above (1175 a).

b. With ānī (which is perhaps the corresponding feminine) are made a small number of words, chiefly wife-names: thus, indrāṇī́, varuṇānī́ (these, with uçīnárāṇī, purukútsānī, mudgā́lanī, ūrjā́nī, are found in RV.), rudrāṇī, mātulānī maternal uncle's wife, çarvāṇī, bhavānī, içānānī, çakrāṇī, upādhyāyānī, mṛḍānī, brahmāṇī; and yavānī.

c. The feminines in and knī from masculine stems in ta have been already noticed above (1176 d). From páti master, husband the feminine is pátnī, both as independent word, spouse, and as final of an adjective compound: thus, devápatnī having a god for husband, síndhupatnī having the Indus as master. And the feminine of paruṣá rough is in the older language sometimes páruṣṇī.

d. With īna are made a full series of adjective derivatives from the words with final añc (407 ff.); they are accented usually upon the penult, but sometimes on the final; and the same word has sometimes both accents: for example, apācī́na, nīcī́na, prācī́na, arvācī́na and arvācīná, pratīcī́na and pratīcīná, samīcīná. Besides these, a number of other adjectives, earlier and later: examples are saṁvatsarī́na yearly, prāvṛṣī́ṇa of the rainy season, viçvajanī́na of all people, jñātakulī́na of known family, adhvanīna traveller (ádhvan way), āçvīna day's journey on horseback (áçva horse). RV. has once mā́kīna mine.

e. With ena is made sāmidhená (f. -nī́), from samídh, with initial strengthening.

f. As to a few words in ina, compare 1209 c.

g. The adjectives made with simple na fall partly under another head (below, 1245 f); here may be noted çū́raṇa heroic (?), phálguna, çmaçruṇá, dadruṇa, and, with vṛddhi-strengthening, strāíṇa woman's (its correlative, pāuṁsna, occurs late) and cyāutná inciting. If dróṇa comes from dru wood, it has the anomaly of a guṇa-strengthening.

1224. Certain suffixes containing a म् m may be similarly grouped.

a. With ima are made a small number of adjectives from nouns in tra: thus, khanítrima made by digging, kṛtríma artificial, dattrima, paktrima, pūtríma; in other finals, kuṭṭima, gaṇima, talima, tulima, pākima, udgārima, vyāyogima, saṁvyūhima, nirvedhima, āsan̄gima, all late. In agrima (RV.) foremost the ma has perhaps the ordinal value.

b. The uses of simple ma in forming superlatives (474) and ordinals (487 d, e) have been already noticed, and the words thus made specified.

c. A few neuter abstracts end in mna: thus, dyumná brightness, nṛmṇá manliness; and, from particles, nimná depth and sumná welfare. The suffix comes perhaps from man with an added a.

d. For the words showing a final min, see below, 1231.

1225. मय maya. With this suffix are formed adjectives signifying made or composed or consisting of, also abounding in, that which is denoted by the primitive.

a. The accent is always on the , and the feminine is regularly and usually in máyī. In the oldest language (V.), final as remains unchanged before the suffix: thus, manasmáya, nabhasmáya, ayasmáya; but d is treated as in external combination: thus, mṛnmáya; and in the Brāhmaṇas and later, finals in general have the latter treatment: e. g. tejomáya, adomáya, āpomáya, jyotirmaya, yajurmáya, etanmáya, asṝn̄maya, vān̄máya, ammaya, prāvṛṇmaya. RV. has açmanmáya (later açmamaya). In hiraṇmáya (B. and later) the primitive (hiraṇya) is peculiarly mutilated. RV. has sūmáya of good make, and kimmáya made of what?

b. A very few examples of a feminine in occur in the later language.

1226. र ra. A few derivative adjectives are made with this suffix. Accent and treatment of the primitive are various.

a. With simple addition of ra are made, for example: pāṅsurá dusty, -çrīra (also -çlīla) in açrīrá ugly, dhūmrá dusky (dhūmá smoke), madhura (late) sweet. In an example or two, there appears to be accompanying initial strengthening: thus, ā́gnīdhra of the fire-kindler (agnī́dh), çān̄kura stake-like (çan̄kú); and in çekhara (also çikhara), a guṇa-strengthening.

b. With an inorganic vowel before the ending are made, for example, médhira wise, rathirá in a chariot; karmā́ra smith; dantura (late) tusked; acchéra (? MS.), çrāmaṇera, saṁgamanera.

c. The use of ra in forming a few words of comparative meaning was noticed above (474), and the words so made were given.

1227. ल la. This and the preceding suffix are really but two forms of the same. In some words they exchange with one another, and ल la is usually, but not always, the later form in use.

a. Examples are: bahulá abundant, madhulá (later madhura) and madhūla sweet, bhīmala fearful, jīvalá lively, açlīlá (and açrīrá) wretched; with ā, vācāla talkative (late); with i, phenila foamy (late: phéna); with u, vātula and vātūla windy (late: vā́ta); and mātula maternal uncle is a somewhat irregular formation from mātṛ́ mother.

b. In the later language are found a few adjectives in lu, always preceded by ā; examples are: kṛpālu and dayālu compassionate, īrṣyālu jealous, uṣṇālu heated, çayālu and svapnālu sleepy, lajjālu modest, lālālu drooling, çraddhālu trusting, krodhālu passionate. One or two such derivatives having a primary aspect were noticed at 1192 b.

1228. व va. A small number of adjectives have this ending (accented, added to an unaltered primitive).

a. Examples are: arṇavá billowy, keçavá hairy; rāsnāvá girded; añjivá slippery, çantivá tranquillizing, çraddhivá credible, amaṇiva jewelless, rājīva striped.

b. There are a very few adjectives in vala and vaya which may be noticed here: thus, kṛṣīvalá peasant (kṛṣi ploughing), ūrṇāvalá wooly, rajasvala, ūrjasvala, payasvala, çādvala, naḍvala, çikhāvala, dantāvala; druváya wooden dish, caturvaya fourfold.

c. With vya are made two or three words from names of relationship: thus, pítṛvya paternal uncle, bhrā́tṛvya nephew, enemy.

1229. श ça. A very few adjectives appear to be made by an added ending of this form.

a. Thus, romaçá or lomaçá hairy, étaça (also etaçá) variegated, arvaçá or árvaça hasting, babhluçá or babhruçá and kapiça brownish, kṛṣṇaça blackish, yuvaçá youthful, bāliça childish, karkaça harsh, karmaça (?) n. pr.; and giriça, vāriça (?), vṛkṣaça are doubtless of the same character (not containing the root çī). The character of harīmaçá, káçmaça, kaláça is doubtful.

b. Many of the adjective derivatives already treated have sometimes a possessive value, the general meaning of being concerned with, having relation to being specialized into that of being in possession of. But there are also a few distinctively possessive suffixes; and some of these, on account of the unlimited freedom of using them and the frequency of their occurrence, are very conspicuous parts of the general system of derivation. These will be next considered.

1230. इन् in. Possessive adjectives of this ending may be formed almost unlimitedly from stems in अ a or आ ā, and are sometimes (but very rarely) made from stems with other finals.

a. A final vowel disappears before the suffix. The accent is on the suffix. As to the inflection of these adjectives, see above, 438 ff. They are to be counted by hundreds in the older language, and are equally or more numerous in the later.

b. Examples from a-stems are: açvín possessing horses, dhanín wealthy, pakṣín winged, balín strong, bhagín fortunate, vajrín wielding the thunderbolt, çikhaṇḍín crested, hastín possessing hands, ṣoḍaçín of sixteen, gardabhanādín having an ass's voice, brahmavarcasín of eminent sanctity, sādhudevín having luck at play, kūcidarthín having errands everywhither; — from ā-stems, manīṣín wise, çikhín crested, ṛtāyín pious.

c. Derivatives from other stems are very few in comparison: thus, from i-stems, atithin (?), abhimātín, arcín, açanin, ūrmin, kālanemin, khādín, -pāṇin, marīcin, mauñjin, māulin, -yonin, venin, saṁdhin, samṛddhin, surabhin (of those found only at the end of a possessive compound the character is doubtful, since case-forms of i- and in-stems are not seldom exchanged); from u-stems, gurvin, çatagvín (?), veṇavin (with guna of the u); — from stems in an, varmín, karmin, carmin, -chadmin, janmin, dhanvin, -dharmin, nāmin, brahmin, yakṣmin, çarmin, and çvanin; — in as, retín rich in seed, and probably varcin n. pr.; also (perhaps through stems in -sa) çavasín and sahasin, manasín, -vayasín; — isolated are parisrajín garlanded, and hiranín (hiránya).

d. It was pointed out above (1183) that derivatives in in have assumed on a large scale the aspect and value of primary derivatives, with the significance of present participles, especially at the end of compounds. The properly secondary character of the whole formation is shown, on the one hand, by the frequent use in the same manner of words bearing an unmistakably secondary form, as praçnín, garbhín, jūrṇín, dhūmín, snānin, homin, matsarín, paripanthín, pravepanín, saṁgatin; and, on the other hand, by the occurrence of reverted palatals (216) before the in, which could only be as in replaced a: thus, arkín, -bhan̄gín, -san̄gín, -rokín.

e. In a few cases, there appears before the in a y preceded by an ā of inorganic character: thus, dhanvāyín, tantrāyín, çvetāyín, sṛkāyín, ātatāyín, pratihitāyín, marāyín, ṛtāyín, svadhāyín (VS.: TB. -vín). The y in all such words is evidently the inserted y after ā (258 a), and to assume for them a suffix yin is quite needless.

f. The accentuation pravrā́jin, prasyándin, in the concluding part of ÇB., is doubtless false; and the same is to be suspected for çā́kī, sárī, írī (RV., each once).

g. A very few words in in have not suffered the possessive specialization. Such are vanín tree, hermit, kapotín dovelike, aṇḍin scrotum-like (cf. 1233 f).

1231. मिन् min. With this suffix are made an extremely small number of possessive adjectives.

a. In the old language, the words in min have the aspect of derivatives in in from nouns in ma, although in two or three cases — iṣmín and ṛgmín in RV., vāgmín in ÇB. — no such nouns are found in actual use beside them. In the later language, min is used as independent element in a very few words: thus, gomin possessing cattle, svāmin (Sūtras and later) master, lord (sva own), kakudmin humped.

b. The two words ṛgmín and vāgmín show not only reversion but also sonantizing of an original palatal.

1232. विन् vin. The adjectives made with this suffix are also not numerous. They have the same meanings with those in इन् in. The accent is on the suffix.

a. The RV. has ten adjectives in vin; they become rather more common later. Though for them may be suspected a similar origin to those in yin and min (above), signs of it are much less clearly traceable.

b. The great majority have vin added after as: e. g. namasvín reverential, tapasvín heated, tejasvín brilliant, yaçasvín beautiful, and so retasvín, enasvín, harasvín, etc.; and çatasvín, çrotrasvín, rūpasvin have an inserted s, by analogy with them. Most others have ā (sometimes, by lengthening): thus, glāvín, medhāvín, māyāvín, sabhāvín, aṣṭrāvín obedient to the goad, dvayāvín double-minded, ubhayāvín possessing of both kinds, dhanvāvin, tandrāvin, āmayāvín, ātatāvín. More rarely, vin is added after another consonant than s: thus, vāgvín, dhṛṣadvín, ātmanvín, kumudvin, sragvin, yajvin, ajvin. The doubtful word vyaçnuvín (VS., once: TB. vyáçniya) appears to add the ending (or in, with euphonic v) to a present tense-stem.

c. An external form of combination is seen only in vāgvín and dhṛṣadvín (both Vedic), with the common reversion of a palatal in sragvin.

1233. वन्त् vant. Very numerous possessive adjectives are made by this suffix, from noun-stems of every form, both in the earlier language and in the later.

a. The accent generally remains upon the primitive, without change; but an accent resting on a stem-final, if this be anything but á or ā́, is in the majority of cases thrown forward upon the suffix. As to inflection, formation of feminine, etc., see 452 ff.

b. A final vowel — oftenest a, very rarely u — is in many words lengthened in the older language (247) before this ending, as in composition. Nouns in an more often retain the n.

c. Examples of the normal formation are: with unchanged accent, kéçavant hairy, putrávant having a son, prajánanavant procreative, puṇḍárīkavant rich in lotuses, híraṇyavant rich in gold, apūpávant having cakes, rājanyàvant allied with a kshatriya; prajā́vant having progeny, ū́rṇāvant wooly, dákṣiṇāvant rich in sacrificial gifts; sákhivant having friends, saptarṣívant accompanied by the seven sages; çácīvant powerful, táviṣīvant vehement, pátnīvant with spouse, dhī́vant devoted, dyā́vāpṛthivī́vant (94 b) with heaven and earth; víṣṇuvant accompanied by Vishnu; háritvant golden, āvṛ́tvant hither turned, āçī́rvant mixed with milk, svàrvant splendid, çarádvant full of years, púṁsvant having a male, páyasvant rich, támasvant dark, bráhmaṇvant accompanied with worship, rómaṇvant hairy (but also romavant, lómavant, vṛtrahavant, etc.), kakúbhvant containing a kakúbh; — with accent on the suffix, agnivánt having fire, rayivánt wealthy, nṛvánt manly, padvánt having feet, nasvánt with nose, āsanvánt having a mouth, çīrṣaṇvánt headed (also çīrṣavant).

d. With final stem-vowel lengthened: for example, áçvāvant (beside áçvavant) possessing horses, sutā́vant having soma expressed, vṛ́ṣṇyāvant of virile force (about thirty such cases occur in V.); çáktīvant mighty, svádhitīvant having axes, ghṛ́ṇīvant hot; viṣūvánt dividing (víṣu apart).

e. Certain special irregularities are as follows: an inserted s in índrasvant, máhiṣvant; inserted n in vánanvant, búdhanvant, vádhanvant, gartanvánt, māṅsanvánt; shortening of a final of the primitive in māyávant, yājyàvant, puronuvākyàvant, āmíkṣavant, sarasvativant; abbreviation in hiraṇvant; inserted ā in çavasāvant, sahasāvant, and the odd mahimāvant; anomalous accent in kṛçanā́vant (if from kṛ́çana pearl); derivation from particles in antárvant pregnant, viṣūvánt (above, d).

f. Instead of the specialized meaning of possessing, the more general one of like to, resembling is seen in a number of words, especially in the derivatives from pronominal stems, mā́vant like me etc. (517: add ī́vant, kī́vant). Other examples are índrasvant like Indra, nīḍávant nestlike, nī́lavant blackish, nṛvánt manly, pṛ́ṣadvant speckled, kṣāítavant princely; compare the later paravant dependent. It was pointed out above (1107) that the adverb of comparison in vát is the accusative neuter of a derivative of this class.

g. In a few words, vant has the aspect of forming primary derivatives: thus, vivásvant (or vívasvant) shining, also n. pr., ánupadasvant, árvant, pípiṣvant (?), yahvánt.

h. For the derivatives in vat from prepositions, which appear to have nothing to do with this suffix, see 1245 j.

i. While this suffix is generally added to a primitive according to the rules of internal combination (see examples above, c), treatment also as in external combination begins already in RV., in pṛ́ṣadvant (pṛ́ṣat), and becomes more common later: thus, tapovant, tejovant, an̄girovant (beside tápasvant etc.); vidyúdvant (beside vidyutvant), bṛhadvant, jagadvant, sadvant, etc.; triṣṭubvant (against kakúbhvant), samidvant, vimṛdvant; vāgvant (against ṛkvant); svarāḍvant; havyavāḍvant; āçīrvant.

j. None of the suffixes beginning with v show in the Veda resolution of v to u.

1234. वन् van. The secondary derivatives in this suffix belong to the older language, and are a small number, of which extremely few have more than an occurrence or two.

a. They have the aspect of being produced under the joint influence of primary van and secondary vant. A final short vowel is usually lengthened before the suffix. The accent is various, but oftenest on the penult of the stem. The feminine (like that of the derivatives in primary van: 1169 f) is in varī.

b. The Vedic examples are: from a-stems, ṛṇāván or ṛṇaván, ṛtā́van (and f. -varī), ṛ́ghāvan, dhitā́van, satyā́van, sumnāvarī, and maghávan; from ā-stems, sūnṛ́tāvarī, svadhā́van (and f. -varī); from i-stems, amatīván, arātīván, çruṣṭīván, muṣīván, and kṛṣīvan (only in the further derivative kā́rṣīvaṇa); dhī́van; from consonant-stems, átharvan, samádvan, sáhovan (bad AV. variant to RV. sahā́van); hā́rdvan (TA. also hārdivan). Somewhat anomalous are sahā́van, índhanvan (for índhanavan?), and sanítvan (for sánitivan?). The only words of more than sporadic occurrence are ṛtā́van, maghávan, átharvan.

c. Sáhovan (see b) is the only example of external combination with this suffix.

1235. मन्त् mant. This is a twin-suffix to वन्त् vant (above, 1233); their derivatives have the same value, and are to some extent exchangeable with one another. But possessives in मन्त् mant are much less frequent (in the older language, about a third as many), and are only very rarely made from a-stems.

a. If the accent of the primitive word is on the final, it is in the great majority of instances (three quarters) thrown forward upon the added suffix; otherwise, it maintains its place unchanged. A final vowel before the suffix is in only a few cases made long. Examples are:

b. With the accent of the primitive unchanged: káṇvamant, yávamant rich in barley, and vibhavamant n. pr. (these alone from a-stems, and the first only occurring once); ávimant possessing sheep, açánimant bearing the thunderbolt, óṣadhīmant rich in herbs, vā́çīmant carrying an axe, vásumant possessing good things, mádhumant rich in sweets, tváṣṭṛmant accompanied by Tvashtar, hótṛmant provided with priests, ā́yuṣmant long-lived, jyótiṣmant full of brightness;ulkuṣī́mant accompanied with meteors, pīlúmant (?), prasū́mant having young shoots, gómant rich in kine, garútmant winged, vihútmant with libation, kakúdmant humped, vidyúnmant (with irregular assimilation of t: VS. has also kakúnmant) gleaming, virúkmant shining, havíṣmant with libations, vipruṣmant with drops.

c. With the accent thrown forward upon the ending: asimánt with knives, agnimánt having fire, iṣudhimánt with a quiver, paçumánt possessing cattle, vāyumánt with wind, pitṛmánt (AV. pitṛ́mant) accompanied by the Fathers, mātṛmánt having a mother; no long final vowels are found before the suffix in this division, and only once a consonant, in dasmát (RV., once).

d. Protraction of a final vowel is seen in tvíṣīmant, dhrájīmant, hírīmant; in jyótiṣīmant is irregularly inserted an ī (after the analogy of táviṣīmant); in çuciṣmant, mahiṣmant, an s; suṣumánt (RV., once) appears to be primary.

e. The adverb āçumát appears to be related to adverbs in vát as the suffix mant to vant.

f. By the side of derivatives made with internal combination appears vidyúnmant even in RV.; and other like cases occur later: thus, parisrúnmant, kakunmant, kṣunmant, puronún̄mant, vān̄mant, kakummant, gudaliṇmant, yaçomant.

1236. It has been seen above (especially in connection with the suffixes a and ya) that the neuter of a derivative adjective is frequently used as an abstract noun. There are, however, two suffixes which have in the later language the specific office of making abstract nouns from adjectives and nouns; and these are found also, more sparingly used, in the oldest language, each having there one or two other evidently related suffixes beside it.

a. For derivatives of the same value made with the suffix iman, see above, 1168 i–k.

1237. ता . With this suffix are made feminine abstract nouns, denoting the quality of being so and so, from both adjectives and nouns.

a. The form of the primitive is unchanged, and the accent is uniformly on the syllable preceding the suffix.

b. Examples (from the older language) are: devátā divinity, vīrátā manliness, puruṣátā human nature, agnítā firehood, apaçútā cattle-lessness, bandhútā relationship, vasútā wealth; nagnátā nakedness, suvīrátā wealth in retainers, anapatyátā lack of descendants, agótā poverty in cattle, abrahmátā lack of devotion, aprajástā absence of progeny; also doubtless sūnṛ́tā (from sūnára), although the word is a few times used as an adjective (like çaṁtāti and satyatāti: see next paragraph).

c. Of special formation are mamátā selfishness, trétā triplicity, astitā actuality. RV. has avī́ratā, with exceptional accent. In ekapatnitā is seen a shortened final vowel of the primitive. Janátā has acquired a concrete meaning, people, folk; also grāmatā (once) villages collectively.

1238. ताति tāti, तात् tāt. These suffixes are Vedic only, and the latter is limited to RV. Their relationship to the preceding is evident, but opinions are at variance as to its nature. The accent is as in the derivatives with .

a. The quotable examples in tāti are: ariṣṭátāti uninjuredness, ayakṣmátāti freedom from disease, gṛbhītátāti the being seized, jyeṣṭhátāti supremacy, devátāti divinity, vasútāti wealth, çáṁtāti good-fortune, sarvátāti completeness; and, with exceptional accent, ástatāti home, and dákṣatāti cleverness; çivatāti and çubhatāti occur (once each) in the later language. Two words in tāti are used adjectively (inorganically, by apposition?): çáṁtāti (RV., twice; and AV. xix. 44. 1, in manuscripts), and satyatāti (RV., once: voc.).

b. The words in tāt (apparently made by abbreviation from tāti) occur in only one or two cases-forms; they were all mentioned above (383 k. 2).

1239. त्व tva. With this suffix are made neuter nouns, of the same value as the feminines in ता (above, 1237).

a. The neuter abstracts in tva are in the older language considerably more common than the feminines in , although themselves also not very numerous. The accent is without exception on the suffix.

b. Examples (from the older language) are: amṛtatvá immortality, devatvá divinity, subhagatvá good-fortune, ahamuttaratvá struggle for precedency, çucitvá purity, patitvá husbandship, taraṇitvá energy, dīrghāyutvá long life, çatrutvá enmity, bhrātṛtvá brotherhood, vṛṣatvá virility, sātmatvá soulfulness, maghavattvá liberality, rakṣastvá sorcery. In anāgāstvá and -prajāstvá there is a lengthening of the final syllable of the primitive; and in sāuprajāstvá (AV., once) this appears to be accompanied by initial vṛddhi (sāubhagatvá is doubtless from sāúbhaga, not subhága); and in these and pratyanastvá there is an apparent insertion of s. In sadhanitvá (RV.), vasatīvaritvá (TS.), rohiṇitvá (TB.), there is shortening of final feminine ī before the suffix. Of peculiar formation are astitva actuality and sahatva union. The apparent feminine datives yūthatvāyāi and gaṇatvāyāi (KS.) are doubtless false forms.

c. Besides the usual guttural reversions in samyaktva, sayuktva, we have external combination in samittva (-idh-) and pūrvavāṭtva (-vah-).

d. In iṣitatvátā (RV., once) incitedness, and puruṣatvátā (RV., twice) human quality, appears to be a combination of the two equivalent suffixes tva and .

e. The v of tva is to be read in Veda as u only once (rakṣastuá).

1240. त्वन tvana. The derivatives made with this suffix are, like those in tva, neuter abstracts. They occur almost only in RV., and, except in a single instance (martyatvaná), have beside them equivalent derivatives in tva. The accent is on the final, and the tva is never resolved into tua. a. The words are: kavitvaná, janitvaná, patitvaná (also JB.), martyatvaná, mahitvaná, vasutvaná, vṛṣatvaná, sakhitvaná.

1241. A few suffixes make no change in the character as part of speech of the primitive to which they are added, but either are merely formal appendages, leaving the value of the word what it was before, or make a change of degree, or introduce some other modification of meaning.

1242. The suffixes of comparison and ordinal suffixes have for the most part been treated already, and need only a reference here.

a. तर tara and तम tama are the usual secondary suffixes of adjective comparison: respecting their use as such, see above, 471–473; respecting the use of tama as ordinal etc. suffix, see 487–8; respecting that of their accusatives as adverbial suffixes to prepositions etc., see 1111 e.

b. In vṛtratára and purutáma (RV.) the, accent is anomalous; in mṛdayáttama, it is drawn forward to the final of the participle, as often in composition (1309); çaçvattamá (RV.) has the ordinal accent; saṁvatsaratamá (ÇB.) is an ordinal; dívātara (RV., once: an error?) is an ordinary adjective, of the day; surabhíṣṭama and tuvíṣṭama insert a s; kārotará and kāulitará are probably vṛddhi-derivatives in a. In vatsatará (f. -rī́) weanling, açvatará mule, and dhenuṣṭarī́ cow losing her milk, the application of the suffix is peculiar and obscure; so also in rathaṁtará, name of a certain sāman.

c. र ra and म ma, like tara and tama, have a comparative and superlative value; and the latter of them forms ordinals: see above, 474, 487.

d. थ tha, like tama and ma, forms ordinals from a few numerals: see 487 c; also (with fem. in -thī́) from tati, kati, yati, iti: thus, tatithá so-many-eth etc.

e. Apparently by false analogy with tatithá etc. (above, d), the quasi-ordinals tāvatitha, yāvatitha, bahutitha are made, as if with a suffix titha (also katititha, late, for katithá); and, it is said, from other words meaning a number or collection, as gaṇa, pūga, saṁgha; but none such are quotable.

1243. Of diminutive suffixes there are none in Sanskrit with clearly developed meaning and use. The occasional employment of ka, in a somewhat indistinct way, to make diminutives, has been noticed above (1222).

1244. Of the ordinary adjective-making suffixes, given above, some occasionally make adjectives from adjectives, with slight or imperceptible modification of value. The only one used to any considerable extent in this way is ka: as to which, see 1222.

1245. A few suffixes are used to make derivatives from certain limited and special classes of words, as numerals and particles. Thus:

a. तय taya makes a few adjectives, meaning of so many divisions or kinds (used in the neuter as collectives), from numerals: thus, ékataya (MS.), dvitaya, tritaya, cátuṣṭaya (AV.), ṣaṭtaya (KB.: with external combination), saptátaya (ÇB.), aṣṭātaya (AB.), dáçataya (RV.), bahútaya (TS.). Their fem. is in -.

b. त्य tya makes a class of adjectives from particles: e. g. nítya own, níṣṭya foreign, amā́tya companion, etc. As the examples show, the accent of the primitive is retained. The fem. is in -tyā.

c. The other quotable examples are ápatya, āvíṣṭya, sánutya, antastya, anyatastya-, tatastya, kutastya, atratya, tatratya, yatratya, kutratya, ihatya, upatya, adhitya, prātastya, dakṣiṇātya (instead of which, the regular form, is generally found dākṣiṇātya, apparently a further vṛddhi-derivative from it: as if belonging to the southerners), and pāçcāttya and pāurastya (of a similar character: these three last are said by the grammarians to be accented on the final, as is proper for vṛddhi-derivatives); aptyá and āptyá perhaps contain the same suffix. In antastya and prātastya is seen external combination.

d. The y of tya is in RV. always to be read as i after a heavy syllable.

e. त ta forms ekatá, dvitá, and tritá, also muhūrtá moment, and apparently avatá well (for water).

f. With न na are made purāṇá ancient, víṣuṇa various, and perhaps samāná like.

g. With तन tana or (in a few cases) त्न tna are made adjectives from adverbs, nearly always of time: e. g. pratná ancient, nū́tana or nū́tna present, sanātána or sanátna lasting, divātana of the day, çvástana of tomorrow, hyastana of yesterday. The accent is various. The feminine is in nī́.

h. The other quotable examples are: agretana, adyatana, adhunātána, idaṁtana, idānīṁtana, etarhitana, ciraṁtana, tadānīṁtana, doṣātana, purātana, prāktana, prātastána, sadātana, sāyaṁtána; from adverbs of place, adhastana, arvāktana, uparitana, kutastana; — with tna, parastāttna, purastāttna. A further vṛddhi-derivative, with equivalent meaning, nāutana (cf. above, c), occurs late. In PB. is once found tvattana belonging to thee.

i. Besides the obvious cases of an assimilated final m before this suffix, we have external combination in prātastána.

j. वत् vat makes from particles of direction the feminine nouns mentioned above (383 k. 1).

k. कट kaṭa, properly a noun in composition, is reckoned by the grammarians as a suffix, in utkaṭa, nikaṭa, prakaṭa, vikaṭa (RV., once, voc.), and saṁkaṭa (all said to be accented on the final).

l. A suffix vana is perhaps to be seen in nivaná, pravaṇa; — and āla in antarāla.

m. Occasional derivatives made with the ordinary suffixes of primary and secondary derivation from numerals and particles have been noted above: thus, see ana (1150 n), ti (1157 h), ant (1172 a), u (1178 i), a (1209 i), ka (1222 c), mna (1224 c), maya (1225 a), vant (1233 e).