The True Patriot/No. 4.

by Henry Fielding

THE

TRUE PATRIOT.

—

No. 4. TUESDAY, November 26, 1745.

—

Ambubaiarum collegia, pharmacopoloe,

Mendici, mimi, balatrones; hoc genus omne

Moestum et solicitum est. —

HOR.

THE Author of the Serious Address to the People of Great Britain (a pamphlet which ought to be in every man's hands at this season), hath incontestibly shewn the danger of this rebellion to all who have any regard for the Protestant religion, or the laws and liberties of their country.

We have further endeavoured, in our last paper, to give a lively picture of the utter misery and desolation it would introduce, and the insecurity of our estates, properties, lives and families, under the government of an absolute Popish Prince (for absolute he would plainly be), introduced by the conquering arms of France, Spain, and the Highlands.

So that every good and worthy Protestant in this nation, who is attached to his religion and liberties, or who hath any estate or property, either in church-lands or in the funds (which includes almost every man who hath either estate or property in the kingdom), is concerned, in the highest degree, to oppose the present rebellion.

I am however aware, that there yet remains a party to be spoken to, who are not strictly concerned in interest in any of the preceding lights; I mean those gentlemen who have no property, nor any regard either for the religion or liberty of their country.

Now if I can make it appear, that those persons likewise are interested in opposing the Pretender's cause, I think we may then justly conclude, he cannot have a single partisan in this nation (the most bigoted Roman Catholics excepted) who is sensible enough to know his own good.

And first, the most noble party of free-thinkers, who have no religion, are most heartily concerned to oppose the introduction of Popery, which would obtrude one on them, one not only inconsistent with free-thinking, but indeed with any thinking at all. How would a man of spirit, whose principles are too elevated to worship the great Creator of the universe, submit to pay his adoration to a rabble of saints, most of whom he would have been justly ashamed to have kept company with while alive!

But besides the slavish doctrines which he must believe, or, at least, meanly pretend to believe, how would a genius who cannot conform to the little acts of decency required by a Protestant church support the slavish impositions of auricular confession, penance, fasting, and all the tiresome forms and ceremonies exacted by the church of Rome.

Lastly, whereas the said free-thinkers have long regarded it as an intolerable grievance, that a certain body of men called parsons, should, for the useless services of praying, preaching, catechising and instructing the people, receive a certain fixed stipend from the public, which the law foolishly allows them to call their own: how would these men brook the restoration of abbey-lands, impropriations, and the numberless flowers which the reformation hath lopped off from the church, and which the re-establishment of Popery would most infallibly restore to it.

Again, there are many worthy persons who, though very little concerned for the true liberty of their country, have, however, the utmost respect for what is by several mistaken for it; I mean licentiousness, or a free power of abusing the king, ministry, and every thing great, noble, and solemn.

The impunity with which this liberty hath been of late years practised, must be acknowledged by every man of the least candour. Indeed, to such a degree, that power and government, instead of being objects of reverence and terror, have been set up as the butts of ridicule and buffoonery, as if they were only intended to be laughed at by the people.

Now this is a liberty which hath only flourished under this royal family. His present majesty, as he hath less deserved than his predecessors to be the object of it, so he hath supported it with more dignity and contempt than they have done; but how impatient the Pretender will be under this liberty, and how certainly he will abolish it, may be concluded, not only from the absolute power which he infallibly brings with him; but from the many ears and noses which his family, without such power, have heretofore sacrificed on these occasions.

And this is a loss not only to be deplored by those men of genius, who have exerted and may exert their great talents this way. There are many who, without the capacity of writing, have that of reading, and have done their utmost to support and encourage such authors and their works. These will lose their favourite amusement, all those laughs and shrugs which they have formerly vented at the expense of their superiors.

But if these concerns should appear chimerical, I come now to pecuniary considerations; to a large body of men whose whole trade would be ruined by this man's success. The reader will be, perhaps, in doubt what trade can be carried on by such persons as I have described in the beginning of this paper: how much more will he be surprised to hear, that it is the principal trade which of late years hath been carried on in this kingdom. To keep him therefore no longer in suspense, I mean the honest method of selling ourselves, which hath flourished so notably for a long time among us. A business which I have ventured to call honest, notwithstanding the objections raised by weak and scrupulous people against it.

I know indeed many answers have been given to these objections by a late philosopher of great eminence, and by the followers of his school; such as, that all mankind are rascals; that they are only to be governed by corruption, &c. But to say the truth, there is no occasion of having recourse to these deep and obscure doctrines for this purpose; there is a much fuller and plainer answer to be given, and which is founded on principles the very reverse of those which were taught in this school, namely the principles of common sense and common honesty; for if it be granted, as surely it will be, that we are freemen, we have certainly a right to ourselves; and whatever we have a right to, we have also a right to sell. And, perhaps, it was a doubt in that great philosopher, whether we were freemen or no, that led him into those doctrines I have mentioned.

Now this trade, by which alone so many thousands have got an honest livelihood for themselves and families, must be totally ruined; for, if this nation should be at once enslaved, it would be impossible for an honest man to carry on this business any longer. A freeman (as hath been proved) may justly sell himself, but a slave cannot.

And if a man should be so dishonourable and base as to offer at carrying on this trade in an enslaved country, contrary to all the rules of honesty, and all the most solemn ties of slavery, yet who would buy him? The reasons against such a purchase are too obvious to be mentioned. Indeed, we may say in general, that as it is dishonest in a slave to sell, so it is as foolish in a slave to buy; for as the one hath no property to part with, so neither can the other acquire any.

For these reasons, I think it is visibly the interest of all that part of the nation, to whom I have addressed myself in the beginning of this paper, to exclude Popery and arbitrary power.

There is, however, one objection, which I foresee may and will be made to this conclusion; and that is, whereas the estates of all the lords and commons of this kingdom will be forfeited, and at the disposal of the conqueror, and the personal fortunes of all others will, in the confusion at least, be liable to plunder, that such honest gentlemen may have a sufficient chance abundantly to repair or compensate all their losses.

I own there is something very plausible in this argument, and it might, perhaps, have great force, if the Pretender's son had landed in England, as he did in Scotland; and had been pleased to place that confidence in English rabble, with which he hath vouchsafed rather to honour these Highland banditti. In this case, I grant, no man could justly have been blamed who had fixed the eyes of his affection on his neighbour's estate, gardens, house, purse, wife, or daughter, for joining the young man's cause, provided the success of it had been probable; such a behaviour would then have been highly consistent with all the rules taught in that school of philosophy above-mentioned, and none but a musty moralist, for whose doctrine great men have doubtless an adequate contempt, would have condemned it.

But the fact is otherwise: The Highlanders are those to whom he must owe any success he may attain; these are therefore to be served before you; and I easily refer to your own consideration, when Rome, and France, and Spain, are repaid their demands, when a vast army of hungry Highlanders, and a larger army of as hungry priests, are satisfied, how miserable a pittance will remain to your share? Indeed, so small a one must this be, that the greatest adept in our philoso-political school would think it scarce worth his while to sacrifice his conscience to the certainty of obtaining it.

These latter considerations I earnestly recommend to the most serious attention of the gentlemen for whose use this paper is calculated; and I am certain that any argument for the Pretender's cause, drawn from the hopes of plundering their neighbours (with which, perhaps, some honest men have too fondly flattered themselves), will have very little weight with any person. Nay, I must remind them, that they will not be suffered to rifle the very churches themselves, upon whose small riches, most probably, the said gentlemen have cast their eyes.

It appears then, that none will be, or can be gainers by this rebellion, but Popish priests and Highlanders; and I have too good an opinion of my country to apprehend that her religion, liberties, and properties, can ever be endangered by such adversaries.