The rise and fall of the Emperor Maximilian/Chapter VI
CHAPTER VI.
Marshal Bazaine's Advice on American Matters—It is not Taken— Marshal Bazaine's Marriage, and Dowry to his Bride—Mexicans in the Days of Cortez—Condition of the Indians—Opposition of the Landholders and Officials—Juarez's Hiding-Place.
ALL these internal commotions might yet have been appeased if the court of Mexico had only dared in good time to nip the evil in the bud, that is, to shield itself from the filibusters by turning them into its subjects and defenders. Thus, too, it would have thwarted the manoeuvres of Mr. Seward. A favourable opportunity for an attempt of this sort had just presented itself. At the end of May 1865, the Confederate General Slaughter, who commanded at Brownsville, on the opposite bank of the Rio Bravo, hearing of the disasters of the Southerners, hesitated whether he should lay down his arms, or whether he should cross the Mexican frontier with his 25,000 partisans, who seemed disposed to ask shelter from the emperor on the condition of obtaining grants of land in the north-west departments. This invasion of colonists would have been a piece of good luck for Mexico; for these groups of squatters, located like an advance-guard along the river frontier, might one day have the effect of arresting any Yankee invasion from the side of Texas. Negotiations were opened on this point; there was no time to be lost in placing themselves in a position to face certain threatening contingencies. The sending to Matamoros of an imperial commissioner furnished with special powers could not at this moment awaken the jealousies of the Northern States, which in their desire of conquering the secessionists would have seen with pleasure General Slaughter's cessation of hostilities, and Lincoln would probably have shut his eyes to the passage of 25,000 Confederates into the neighbouring territory as Mexican subjects. The marshal hastened to call Maximilian's attention to this question of such deep importance to the future of the monarchy.
Sire,—The late events in the United States and General Negrete's movements on the northern frontier of the empire make it my duty to lay before your majesty the actual state of things, as I understand them, and to invite your earnest attention to certain contingencies, which, without constituting any imminent source of danger, are still of deep importance.
It is now beyond all doubt that the agents of the Juarist party are endeavouring to throw upon the Mexican empire all the difficulties and trouble which the cessation of hostilities between the Northern and Southern States renders inevitable.
The public enlistments which have been organised in the principal towns of the Union, and the appeals which the American press are making for emigrants to Mexico, abundantly prove the intrigues of a party which holds Mexican nationality so cheap, and show that the sympathies of the American people, whose adventurous spirit is unhappily too well known, are all in favour of this party.
Your majesty has nothing to dread for the present. All my preparations are ready for repulsing any bands of filibusters which may attempt to invade the south of the empire.
The abortive attempt of General Negrete, which can only be explained by the hope that he had of being supported by these armed bands, has ended in nothing. It has only proved that the pretended allegiance of certain persons, amongst others, that of Cortina, was entirely fictitious, and that the odious part taken by the latter renders him for ever unworthy of your majesty's clemency.
Monterey has actually been captured by means of its defenders, because none of my recommendations were followed by them.
The retreat of Negrete, caused by the opposition that he encountered at Matamoros, and by the landing of the French troops at Bagdad, plainly shows how little confidence that Juarist chief had in his soldiers, and authorises the suppositions which I have had the honour of suggesting above. . . .The marshal then enumerated the orders which he had given, recounting to his majesty in detail the movements which he had directed, the works which were in hand, and the marches which had been concerted to recapture the town of Monterey, and to reconquer the state of Tamaulipas, and to scatter or blockade the rebels; he then entered on the question regarding the Confederates:—
It is possible that, when the Confederate general Slaughter, who is in command at Brownsville, hears of the disasters of his party, and the capture by the Federals of President Jefferson Davis, he may lay down his arms, like the other Southern generals; but it is also not improbable that the proximity of the Mexican territory may induce him to come across to the right bank of the river, and to take refuge with his disarmed corps in a friendly country.
International law fully authorises an asylum being given under these conditions to a conquered army. After the preliminary disarming of the Southern force, would it not be possible to form between Monterey and the Saltillo, on the lands belonging to the state in this district, groups of colonists,The marshal did not conceal either the inconvenience or the danger of a measure of this sort; but it was important to obtain American allies. Amidst the perplexing embarrassments which the universal apathy of the Mexicans could not unravel, it became a necessity to act. He discerned so thoroughly the state of matters, and knew so well the necessity of considering the susceptibilities of Yankee pride as regarded monarchy, that he went on to say:—
It appears to me to be a matter of urgent necessity that an imperial commissioner should be sent to Matamoros, and I will take the liberty of observing to your majesty that a civil commissioner, provided with political powers, appears to me to be more fit to fulfil a mission in this quarter than a military one would be, since General Mejia has acquired a certain influence there in this respect.
The news of an asylum being granted to General Slaughter's army might excite the irritable temper of the Yankees to produce fresh and serious difficulties.
I scarcely notice the contingency of any desperate resistance being made by the remains of the Southern forces in Texas; the issue could be neither doubtful nor delayed.
Nevertheless, as every event must be provided against, I think that this latter state of things would be most dangerous for the northern frontier of Mexico. The American armies invading Texas would be formidable neighbours to the empire, and would increase the necessity for your majesty having an agent at Matamoros on whose devotion you could fully rely.The commander-in-chief concluded by stating that he was prepared against every emergency, but he begged the emperor not to neglect measures which would be salutary in the future. For, although the French army were then masters of every position, the Mexican army would be called upon to succeed to it. The marshal also calculated on the defection of some of the imperialists.
The future immigrants demanded to be received as citizens, on their accepting all the legal conditions; they engaged to disband themselves before their admission, and their arms were not to be restored to them until they were subsequently needed for the defence of their homes against the free Indians. Their secret agent, whom we do not wish to name for fear of compromising him, repaired to Mexico, and, in accordance with the imperial decision, prepared either to treat for their admission into the empire or to announce their surrender to the United States. A kind of half-measure was proposed by the cabinet of Mexico; it was urged that the 25,000 Confederates should be looked upon in the first place as prisoners of war. The partisans were deeply dissatisfied, and negotiations were suddenly broken off by the capture of Jefferson Davis. Now that the United States were completely triumphant, there was nothing more to be hoped for from them, and on this occasion, too, a chance of success was lost.
To whichever party in the United States victory leaned, Maximilian was well aware that it would be dangerous for his policy if he did not secure for himself, without delay, this Confederate corps; for he had been informed that, in the early part of the month of February, a conference had taken place at Hampton Roads in the James River, between the rebel plenipotentiaries and President Lincoln. In this interview, which was described as being of a cordial nature Stephens, in the name of President Jefferson Davis, now hard-pressed, had demanded the temporary recognition of a Southern Confederation, until a favourable time arrived for the reconstruction of the Union. Waiting this, the South, in conjunction with the North, pledged themselves to effect the triumph of the 'Monroe doctrine,' by freeing Mexico from the French occupation, and by wresting Canada from the English rule. The Confederates proposed in this way to avenge themselves for the overthrow of the secret hopes which had been encouraged from the very outset of the contest by the cabinet of the Tuileries, which had accorded to them the belligerent character, and had after all abandoned them. The Mexican dynasty had therefore a powerful motive for neutralising this hostile movement by at once coming to an understanding with Slaughter's soldiers.
This check was felt by our head-quarters authorities, who had flattered themselves on the accession of this considerable reinforcement, so necessary to complete the pacification of the country now in danger. Everything was imperilled that was left in Mexican hands. The marshal, in the meantime, did not hesitate to point out freely to the emperor the necessity that existed for granting extensive powers of command, which, in the first instance, must be exercised by French generals. He also apprised him in writing as to the urgency of the situation. He begged of him not to neglect any precaution. We had already established a line of telegraph from Vera Cruz to Mexico. It was also important that the north should be connected with the capital by a telegraphic line, which should reach at least as far as San Luis; and in order that there should be no delay in its construction, the French officers and soldiers were directed to lay it down as they marched. Notwithstanding the distance, this line was not long in getting to work as soon as the wires and appliances arrived.
In spite of reverses and defections, in spite of the numberless bothers in the Austro-Belgian army inseparable from the contact of so many heterogeneous military elements, and in spite of palace intrigues, perfect harmony prevailed at this time between their Mexican majesties and the marshal. Maximilian, who did justice to the loyalty and powerful help rendered him by our commander, and felt that from the latter alone he derived all his power either of constructing or organising, had had no little share in promoting the union of the marshal with a Mexican family of Spanish origin, powerful more from its connections than from its property, now in danger. The family of La Peña had indeed furnished, both to the army and the magistracy, distinguished generals and honoured advocates. In 1833, General Pedrazza, the uncle of the future 'maréchale,' had been raised to the dignity of president of the republic, and her aunt was chosen as maid-of-honour by the Empress Iturbide.
Following the example of the sultan, who generously rewarded the Duc de Malakoff after the fall of Sebastopol, the imperial family settled a rich dowry on the maréchale, on the occasion of her marriage, desiring thus to manifest their high sense of gratitude to the French army, by honouring it in the person of its chief. The imperial letter, deposited in the archives of Mexico, and annexed to the deed of gift, was thus expressed:—[1] My dear Marshal Bazaine,—Desiring to give a proof of my personal friendship, as well as of my gratitude for the services you have rendered to our country, we take advantage of the occasion of your marriage, and confer on the Maréchale Bazaine the palace of Buena-Vista, including the gardens and furniture; with the condition that, when you return to Europe, or if from any other cause you do not wish to retain the said palace, the nation shall again resume the property; and in this case the government binds itself to pay to the Maréchale Bazaine as dowry the sum of a hundred thousand piastres.—Your most affectionate Maximilian.
It is well known that some weeks after his solemn entry into Mexico, Maximilian addressed to his minister, M. Velasquez de Leon, a remarkable financial and administrative programme, embracing the various branches of the two services. This manifesto contains the germs of the sovereign's intentions, who certainly came to Mexico with a high-minded sense of his regenerative mission. The taxes, the custom-house, the loans, the railroads and telegraphic lines, the public works, the postal service, the unity of weights and measures, the control of the public funds, were all discussed with great intelligence, and the formation of the necessary commissions was directed. With regard to colonisation, the royal will was expressed as follows:—'After having adopted a base for the ordinary taxes, the commission will take in hand the sales of waste lands. The extent and the value of these lands cannot be determined for want of correct information. In the present . state of things, the colonisation of the country by industrious families cannot yet be undertaken or encouraged. The commission will submit to us the arrangement and scheme which appear best fitted to collect the elements of exact information.'
In writing these instructions, Maximilian forgot that under his sceptre there were about six millions of Indians, a sober and industrious race, who, before they were reduced to slavery by a victorious aristocracy, astonished Cortez by their civilisation, not less magnificent than the court of Montezuma. The Spanish conqueror sent to Charles V. a vessel laden with the most wonderful productions of Mexican art which had evaded the first plundering of his soldiers. 'Their feather-paintings, their ornaments chased in gold and silver, and their utensils,' he wrote to his sovereign, 'are marvellous.' It is true that these simple-minded people had hitherto despised the precious metals as money, as they used in their barter nothing but the small almonds of the cacao. Robertson's description of them from the manuscripts of Cortez and Herrara is eloquent enough. 'The improved state of government among the Mexicans is conspicuous, not only in points essential to the being of a well-ordered society, but in several regulations of inferior consequence with respect to police. The institution, which I have already mentioned, of public couriers, stationed at proper intervals, to convey intelligence from one part of the empire to the other, was a refinement in police not introduced into any kingdom of Europe at that period. The structure of the capital city in a lake, with artificial dykes, and causeways of great length, which served as avenues to it from different quarters, erected in the water, with no less ingenuity than labour, seems to be an idea that could not have occurred to any but a civilised people. The same observation may be applied to the structure of the aqueducts, or conduits, by which they conveyed a stream of fresh water from a considerable distance into the city, along one of the causeways. The appointment of a number of persons to clean the streets, to light them by fires kindled in different places, and to patrol as watchmen during the night, discovers a degree of attention which even polished nations are late in acquiring.'
We think that Mexico would perhaps have been the gainer by going back to its 'iron age.' Be that as it may, did not the posterity of these so-called barbarians deserve a better fate than that which bound them as serfs to the soil, and condemned them to the duties of beasts of burden? These were the people who formed the brilliant cortege which welcomed the emperor and empress when they ascended the road from Orizaba to Mexico; they had exhumed all their old ornaments, the relics of bygone splendour, in order to do honour to the descendant of Charles V.
Maximilian, who might have made amends for the crime of his royal ancestor, committed the error, when he dismissed them from the capital, of not sending away to their homes as freemen these victims to the conquests of the sixteenth century. It would have been a princely mode of inaugurating his reign.
It was not until the end of September 1865 that, thinking better of it, he issued a decree which pronounced the emancipation of the Indian peons as well as the extinction of their past debts; debts often both usurious and disgraceful, which inflicted bondage on the babe yet unborn. This liberal and humane measure will ever remain to the honour of Maximilian—it ought to have sufficed to disarm his judges at Queretaro. Unfortunately, the measure was an incomplete one; it was but a half-measure, arising out of the state of things which the sovereign had caused, desirous of pleasing the two extreme parties. By this decree of emancipation the peons were not rendered proprietors of the soil. And yet in what better hands than those of the enfranchised peons could the state have entrusted 'those waste lands' spoken of in the imperial manifesto to the minister Velasquez, when his majesty regretted that, 'for want of an accurate estimation of the extent and value of these lands, they could not be handed over to industrious families?' The Mexican commission constituted for more than a year, but constituted in vain, had not been able to foresee that it would not do to enfranchise a whole race of labourers without giving them at the same time the requisite field of labour. The Mexican government thus lost (as it had already lost Slaughter's 25,000 soldiers, all labourers or artisans) some millions of vigorous colonists, possessing to a high degree the love of marriage and family ties. They were forced to beg their daily bread, if the proprietors of the haciendas did not engage them on their farms. Now, the hacenderos, being deprived by this decree both of the payment of their claims and of the strong arms of their peons, were discontented, and refused to employ the services of those Indians who wished to profit by their legal liberation. Thus it was that the old condition of bondage for the peon fatally revived; in the fear of seeing his family perish of hunger, he, of his own accord, resumed his chain.
On the other hand, the clergy had become the personal enemies of the crown; they, too, countenanced the discontent of the hacenderos, being anxious to recover their evil influence over the peons, whose emancipation would tend to diminish their fanaticism and pious offerings. The clerical party, however, did not seek to hide their hostile feelings, which had only increased since the coronation of Maximilian, and the manifestation of his bias towards the liberal party. The unconcealed expression of it broke forth in the following letter from Mgr. La Bastida, Archbishop of Mexico. This historical document seems to us too important not to be recorded here for the exoneration of Maximilian, whose intentions were calumniated so early as four months after the sceptre was offered to him at Miramar.
A clandestine pamphlet, characterising the generals who, were conducting the intervention as the most inveterate enemies of religion and order, had been circulated in Mexico, and had been seized by the police. The military commandant of the place protested that the prelates had always been treated with the utmost respect and veneration, and denounced these manœuvres to the archbishop, who replied:—
Mgr. La Bastida to General Baron Neigre.
. . . It is a proved fact that we have all protested against those two individuals[2] who have pretended to be a government, and that we have declared categorically, that the Church has now to put up with the same attacks against its immunities and rights as those which it suffered from during Juarez' government; and that it has never been persecuted with greater animosity. Pelagio Antonio,
This violent language augured but badly for the future. Thus beset both in the great centres of action as well as in the haciendas, how could the chief of the state have any hope of appeasing the conflicting passions? All his most pregnant ideas which existed in germ in the imperial programme became abortive for want of agents capable of developing them honestly; and this was the case, in spite of the unceasing cooperation of the French functionaries, to whom, however, the court of Mexico did not fail to give due credit. It will be recollected that the head-quarters authorities, in November 1864, boldly called attention to the carelessness of the directors of the public haciendas, with respect to the financial staff which was summoned from Europe to assist the Mexican government. At the end of July 1865, a fresh pressing note was brought before the emperor himself, attesting that the public haciendas had only recognised in the French agents most insignificant powers, which would not permit them to exercise any useful control on the receipt of the public monies, and the employment of the same by the local administrations; the latter opposing the same resistance to any foreign interference as that which M. Langlois, the successor to M. Corta, met with in the capital. This state councillor had been sent from France at Maximilian's request, to clean out the 'Augean stables,' in which the customs' duties and the taxes were plundered even by the principal servants of the crown. The same watchword prevailed everywhere in the ranks of the Mexican administration.
Another pretext for disturbance did not a little con tribute to retard the success of the expeditionary corps, the members of which vied with one another in activity, without taking account either of losses or fatigue, and without allowing themselves to be rebuffed by any kind of obstacle. The reorganisation of a nation can only be effected by hard labour, and a thousand local and individual sacrifices. The territorial alterations, which had been rendered necessary by the creation of great military commands, had deeply wounded the spirit of routine in the large landed proprietors, and had interfered with the habits of the clerical party, by displacing their centres of action. A portion of the malcontent hacenderos, without venturing to declare openly against the empire, afforded help to the rebellion, and rendered hospitality and paid money to the guerillas; they remounted their cavalry, and took care of their wounded or tired horses, which were again claimed by the guerillas when they were fit for service.
In the course of this year (1865), the French fleet and army had exerted themselves so vigorously from the Gulf to the Pacific that a force of less than 29,000 combatants had managed to visit and to encourage every port and all the state capitals except those of Guerrero and Chiapas. We have already proved that this scattering of the military forces, although it was advised by Maximilian and the empress, was a serious imprudence, and was likely to create dangers for the future. It would have been much better to have made gradual extensions of a peaceful rule as resources allowed, encouraging every interest, and enlarging bit by bit a solidly constructed circle, than, as was the case, to spread out at the first onset over vast solitudes thinly sprinkled with small centres of population; for it might easily be foreseen that ere long it would be necessary to abandon them, giving rise to all the horrors of war which always accompany a retreat. Nevertheless, our columns, crossing the prairies, had invaded the capital of Chihuahua, the last stronghold of the president of the republic, and the news was spread in the empire that Juarez had deserted the Mexican soil. The fugitive had fled from Chihuahua to Paso del Norte, a little town, the houses of which stand in a line along the bank of the Rio Grande. A hundred yards on the other side of the river the United States territory begins. It may be easily understood that, in a position like this, President Juarez (whose capture, however, would in no way have modified the resistance of the liberals) felt himself entirely safe from our troops. If a horseman came in sight, he had only to cross the river, and afterwards return when the danger had disappeared. Thus, for nearly eighteen months, Juarez lived on the Rio Grande, with the full understanding of the Washington cabinet. Was it possible to guard the whole course of a river running down from this point to the Gulf, so as to prevent his admission into their territory?
- ↑ This domain, now in the power of the republican authorities, has been of no value to Madame Bazaine; the Emperor Maximilian generously offered, at the time of the evacuation, to pay her the 500,000 francs for her separate fortune; but his offer was naturally declined by a marshal of France, who had already refused to receive from the imperial munificence, expressed through M. Lacunza, the president of the council, the title of Duke of Mexico, and a rich property situated in the Zongolica.
- ↑ General Almonte and General Salas, who composed the regency, from which General Bazaine had been compelled (before the arrival of the emperor) to remove the archbishop, on account of his intrigues and systematic hostility.