Warsaw Message/August 2, 1843/Page 1
THE WARSAW MESSAGE.
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Sing at your work—'twill lighten
Sing at your work—'twill brighten
Sing at your work--though sorrow
Joy cometh on the morrow,
To pain a brief dominion
But music nerves the pinion
List—to the voice of Nature round;
And speak to heal, not make the wound:
Be kind to one another—feel
That brings a neighbor low—reveal
The power of kindness none can tell;
And make the sorrowing bosom swell
THE WARSAW MESSAGE.
WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 2, 1843.
THE ABORIGINAL HISTORY OF AMERICA.
Under this head, the Editor of the Cincinnati Chronicle has some remarks on the early settlement and history of this Continent—called out by the notice of certain plates, containing hieroglyphics, having been found in a mount at Kinderhook, Pike county, Illinois. To the genuineness of the Plates, we can add our testimony, together with that of many other citizens--as we have seen and examined them ourselves. They were found in the mound, inside of what was supposed to be a rough stone coffin; as it contained parts of a human skeleton, under the skull of which the plates were found.
The plates are apparently of brass, about three inches long, one inch broad at the top, and two at the bottom—and were fastened together at the top by means of an iron ring, and by small iron bands near both ends. The iron was so much corroded by time, that at the first touch, the plates fell asunder.
We copy from the Chronicle:
We yesterday gave a brief account of the brass plates, found at Kinderhook, Illinois, and of the important end towards which they tend. We assume, of course, that the facts are true. Whether they are or not, is capable of proof. But these are not the only facts, proving one point, that the early inhabitants of this country had some hieroglyphic writing, unknown to us; and which, if traced up to one of the primitive nations of Asia, would connect the people together in a common root. We have two or three old coins, found in one of the Northern States—perhaps not coins, but copper pieces—with hieroglyphic characters upon them, which appear to be regular, and to be intended as inscriptions.
Four years since, we published a fac similie of such an inscription, found at Grave Creek Mound, near Whoeling. There was, then, such an hieroglyphic writing used among the Aboriginals. Is it true that this writing is analogous to the ancient Chinese? We presume there can be but few persons in America, capable of testing this question; and they may never have examined it. The brass plates afford the best opportunity of doing this in a complete manner. The inscription on these plates is a language. We have been told that it really is the old Chinese, and that it refers to what would seem to be the only object in the plates being placed there—the character of a great man who there reposed.
That the Aboriginals of America really came over from Asia, on the Western Coast of America, and thence descended towards the South, are facts which the best Antiquarians do not doubt: But what is wanting, is some means of proving this theory, and of tracing out our red people to their patriarch families in Asia.
There are numerous evidences of that origin, of the very strongest kind--too numerous here to enumerate—but which, were they united to only one or two positive facts of an Historical character, would unfold the whole of that vast mystery, whose veil seemed to be impenetrable; and we could read, as well as if we had written and printed volumes, the life of this people, during their three thousand years of existence in clouds and darkness. We have a deep conviction that it will be read; and that, as we trace Asiatics, Europeans, and Africans, back to the great dispersion at the Babel of Shinar, so the mysterious people of America will be traced back to the same spot.
These, however, are matters for deeper investigation than can be made in a newspaper; and we call the attention of the curious to the accumulating evidence of the true origin of the North American Indians—a name which may have a much truer signification than was supposed. Light is gradually flowing over the world; and there is no department of History, Physiology, or Physics, which will not in turn receive a portion of the illumination.
The great field of Western History is scarcely yet touched upon. The crust is not broken, and profound are the results yet to follow a faithful investigation of this subject.
The July No. of this excellent periodical has been before us a week or two. It contains four leading papers of deep interest to the general reader, viz:
From this last article, we copy the following extract:
The protective system is as important to the agriculturalist as to the manufacturer. Though the enemies of this system have represented it as hostile to the farmer, I am fully persuaded that this is a great mistake. In the first place, agricultural products enjoy as high a protection as manufactures, to say the least. I will give few articles as a specimen, and resolve the duty into an ad valorem rate, founded on the price current at Boston, six months after the present tariff went into operation.
Cotton, duty 3 cents, per lb., equal to 4 per cent. ad valorem. Wool, 30 per cent, and 3 cents. per lb, equal to 44 per cent. ad valorem.
Here we have a list of eleven articles of agricultural products, and they average 54 per cent. protection—a rate much higher than is enjoyed by manufactured articles. Neither have we, in this estimate, adopted the doctrine of anti-tariff men, and supposed that the duty increased the price to the amount of the duty. If we had adopted that mode of estimating prices, we should swelled the per cent of protection much higher. I know it is said that these duties are unavailing, as these articles need no protection; but this is a great mistake. These articles have been imported into the country, on an average, for the last five years, to the amount of nearly $2,000,000 annually.
There is an identity of interest between the manufacturer and the agriculturalist. They are not enemies, nor even rivals, but intimate friends. Viewed on a large and liberal scale, manufactures and agriculture are only different departments of the same great system of national industry; and whatever tends to give prosperity to the one, will give prosperity to the other. They both need the fostering care of the government. The ease of wool and woolens is an example in point. The wool-growing interest has become an important one, and is more widely diffused over the whole country than almost any other. The annual product may be safely estimated at $16,000,000. Withdraw protection from wool, and this great interest would languish—withdraw protection from woolen manufactures, and the influx of foreign woollens would destroy the wool-growing interest.
This example illustrates the immediate connexion there is between agriculture and manufactures. We have already seen that the destruction of manufactures would drive those now engaged in that business into agriculture; and by the loss of the home market, and by the increased competition in agriculture, the prices of the products of the former would decline to a ruinous extent.
The farmer has as direct an interest in the protective policy as the manufacturer. In the first place, he enjoys as much protection upon his products as the manufacturer does upon his fabrics. But the great advantage to the farmer arises from the home market which manufactures create.
The great importance of a market is too often overlooked, How is it that wheat is worth $1 20 in one part of the country, and 12 1-2 cents in another? That an acre of land will, for agricultural purposes, sell for $300 in one place, and for but $2 in another? Every man knows that this is the fact; and why is it so? Simply because the one is near a market, and the other remote. I hesitate not to say, that the capital now invested in manufactures has augmented the value of real estate in the country to an amount vastly greater than the whole sum invested in manufactures. The value of the home market, created in a great degree by manufactures, will by seen by the fact that Massachusetts alone consumes as much of the beef, pork, ham, and lard of her sister states, as the whole amount that is exported to all foreign nations; and that she consumes a larger amount of the flour and grain of other states, than the average which has been exported to England and her provinces for the last six years. Take the whole country, and the amount of agricultural products consumed by manufacturers is infinitely greater than the amount sent abroad.
Compared with the foreign, the home market is the most valuable, in every respect. A market in a manufacturing district, at home, is always more sure than any foreign market. The demand is constant, and may always be relied upon; whereas the foreign market is always uncertain. Suppose that one of western states had 100,000 barrels of flour to dispose of annually, and they looked to great Britain for a market. That market would depend upon the crops in Europe. When the crop was good upon the continent, England would take but 50,000 barrels; and when the crop was short, she would wan-150,000 barrels. Though her annual demand
|would amount to 100,000 barrels, on an average, yet it would fluctuate from 50,000 to 150,000. Under these circumstances, the farmer could make no calculations how much wheat to sow. This uncertainty, depending on contingencies which he could not possibly forsee, would band like an incubus upon him, and paralyze his efforts. But let the same state depend upon the home market created by manufactures, and the farmer can calculate with great certainty. He knows that there are 100,000 persons employed in manufactures and that they will want a barrel of flour each; and he knows that the crops on the eastern continent will have little or no connexion with the demand here. Under these circumstances, he knows, with a good degree of certainty, how much to sow; and, being sure of a market, his industry will redouble, and he will realize a greater profit from his labor. Every practical man knows that much depends upon the certainty of a market; and from this glance at the subject, it must been seen at once, that the home market is more sure than the foreign. But this difference between the foreign and home market would be still greater in time of war. In case of hostilities with a great maritime power, like Great Britain, whether our commerce were with her or with any other foreign nation, it would be in a great degree cut off, so that the foreign market would fail. These considerations show conclusively that the home market must, after all be the farmer's chief dependence—his best market in peace, and his only reliance in war.
From the view we have taken of this subject, I trust it will appear that the farmers have as deep an interest in the protective system as the manufacturers; and that the hardy tillers of the soil, who did so much to obtain our independence, will be the last to abandon a policy which preserves us a free people.
In the following table will be seen the arrivals of specie from foreign countries, at different ports in the United States, from the first of January last, up to the 18th of last May.
Such are the fruits of a Whig Tariff. The locofocos used to tell us, that the evils under which the country was groaning, were produced by the continuous shipping to foreign countries of such large amounts of specie, leaving us nothing but bank notes, which were consequently irredeemable. Yet, now that it is demonstrated to them that a Whig tariff is the remedy for this evil, they seek by a destruction of this wholesome policy, to bring about the same state of things, which they formerly denounced. Let not the people be deceived. The party press is loud in its denunciation of the Tariff, and Mr. Van Buren disapproves of it, both in principle and in detail. One of the first acts of the locos, if successful, will be to destroy the tariff.—Under any circumstances, this continued change of policy, shifting vacillating course should be avoided as discouraging to industry and enterprise but in this instance, it would be without paliation, and destructive to the best interests of the country. The truth is, the hostility evinced by the locofocos towards the tariff, originates in mere party pique.—Every one must see that its effects have been in the highest degree encouraging, and that under its beneficial operations the country is fast recovering from the lethargy which has enthralled her. The people are beginning to feel this truth, and will, as we believe, rally to the support of a measure which so effectually protects their interests.—Toledo Blade
It is due to our readers to lay before them the following address of the Hon. John M. Berrien, to the Whig Convention of the State of Georgia, upon taking his seat as President of that body, on its meeting at Milledgeville some days ago:
Gentlemen of the Convention: I thank you very cordially for this expression of your confidence. It would, indeed, have been acceptable to me, if it had been your pleasure to assign the duties of this station to some other of our associates; but I am not less sensible of the honor which you have conferred upon me, nor the less grateful for the feeling of personal kindness which prompts it. The privilege of presiding over the deliberations of a body of freemen as intelligent as patriotic as those I see around me, might gratify the ambition of any man. To me, certainly, it will always be a source of pleasing and grateful recollection.
Turning now to the consideration of the immediate object of our assemblage, all will acknowledge the importance of the trust which is confided to us. In contemplating it, the mind naturally recurs to the Convention of 1840, to its immediate issue, and to its remote results. The condition of the country at that moment is fresh in your recollection. Its history was written in characters not easily effaced by ten years of tyranny, of misrule, and of corruption; and the resistance which it awakened is not less vividly impressed upon our memories.—The note of preparation was first sounded in this hall, from whence, returning to our respective home, the shout was prolonged until its reverberations were heard on every hill, and plains and valley throughout the land. We rallied
under the banner of the patriot Harrison, and while our adversaries were confounded with the rapidity and extent of our preparations, we rushed to victory. By the inscrutable dispensation of Providence, the fruits of our triumph were wrested from our grasp. I mistake, gentlemen; they have been filched from us by treachery, by the betrayal of our confidence, by a shameless ingratitude; of all which our adversaries were prompt to profit, how honorably to themselves, let themselves determine when the heat and excitement of the contest shall have passed away. They have however, steadily refused all affiliation with its perpetrator, and the accredited newspaper organ of the party, published within a stone's throw of the presidential mansion, has not hesitated to remind its incumbent of the maxim that men may love the reason, and yet abhor the traitor. Nevertheless, as an ally in the war, they have fought under the common banner, predetermined to discard him when he should cease to be useful to them.
By the united strength of this unhallowed union your Representative in the National Legislature have been baffled in their efforts to advance the interests of the country, each successive measure having fallen by the indiscriminate opposition of a disciplined minority, sustained by the Presidential veto. Still, however the Whig party in the National Legislature have rendered essential service to the country. They have check the corrupt and unblushing use of Executive patronage, have reduced the annual expenditure of the Government by a retrenchment of some ten million of dollars, and have passed many wholesome laws, whose effects are gradually developing themselves. Having done this their appeal is now to their political associates, by whom they were deputed, and never in the annals of history, has any body of men exhibited the same steady firmness and resolute adherents to principles which have been displayed by the great whig party throughout the Union. A party betrayed by its leader, and furiously pressed by its adversary has refused to yield an inch, but standing to its arms, awaits the expiration of armistice limited by the Constitution, eager for the renewal of the conflict. The note of preparation is heard on every side. Our Whig brethren throughout the Union are busily employed in mustering their forces, in selecting their leaders, in arranging the plan of the campaign, &c.
One division of this patriot host is committed to our peculiar care. 'This our to marshall, to discipline, to prepare it for action; and one, and the principal object of our assemblage now, is to designate its leader. Gentlemen, we cannot too highly estimate the importance of that selection. The manifesto of the Whigs of Georgia has already gone forth. We have chosen, so far as we can control the choice, the leader of our Federal host. We have given our colors to the breeze, emblazoned with the name of Henry Clay, of Kentucky, and resolute under his banner to do battle for the maintainance of our rights. We have thrown down the gauntlet—the lists are in preparation—our adversary, marshalled for the conflict, watches our movement, and victory or an inglorious defeat awaits us.
Our first great duty is to cherish a spirit of harmony, among ourselves; to secure united and therefor efficient action in the coming conflict. To the interests of the party, or which is an equivalent expression, to the great interests of the country, all individual prejudices and partialities must yield.
We are admonished of our obligation to cherish this spirit of harmony among ourselves by the dissentions of our opponents, and the influence which they have already produced on the public mind.
We are bound by the relations which we have assumed to that distinguished citizen whose name we have presented to the people of the United States.
We owe it to the great Whig party of the Union, who are entitled to claim from us an active, and so far as may depend on ourselves as indispensable to our success in the struggle in which we are about to engage—a contest which so deeply involves the rights and interests of the freemen of Georgia.
Let us then gentlemen, proceed to the discharge of the trust which has been confided to us, under a deep conviction of the necessity of harmony in feeling, union in council, concert in action. Let us select from the roll of patriot statesmen whose names have been presented to the public consideration, the individual who shall concentrate the voices of a majority of this Convention, inscribe his name on our banner, and then fearlessly give it to the breeze. Free be it flung. Let it float, and float gallantly in the coming strife. Plant it on your mountain heights, unfurl it in your midlands, and fanned by the winds of the ocean, let it wave in triumph over your Eastern plains.
Curiosity.—It is a curiosity to find a person who does not think his own children possessed of more talent and accomplishment than those of the neighbors.
It is a curiosity to find a miss of fifteen who has not begun to think of getting a husband.
It is a curiosity to meet with a woman who stammers in her conversation.
It is a curiosity to find a lawyer who pleads a cause successfully for you, and then docks off a portion of the fees.
It is a curiosity to meet with a man who thinks less of himself than other people think of him.
A communication appears in the Charleston Mercury, which corrects many impressions which have been current in regard to the expedition of this gentleman to the Far West. It evidently emanates from some one have authority: we copy the following extracts:
Mr. Audubon is in no respect the agent of the government and his expedition is wholly unconnected either with the politics or commerce of the country. It is purely scientific, and at his own private expense. The government, as is usual in such cases, affords his party a safe convoy from one military post to the other, and such protection and assistance as are consistent with the military department. The Missouri Fur Company has also tendered them the free use of their steamboats, and such other modes of conveyance as well facilitate their researches in natural science. Mr. Audubon, although he intends ascending the Rocky Mountains, has at present no idea of crossing them; but is desirous of extending his researches to those vast unexplored regions lying to the east of the great alpine chain; believing with most naturalists, that the researches of men of science are likely to be attended with more success on the Atlantic than on the Pacific side of the mountains. To these regions Mr. Audubon and party will confine themselves during the present summer, and they hope to return to their homes by the next winter.
Audubon is at present engaged in collecting materials for the History of the American Quadrupeds. This will give him fame, but at a vast amount of labor and pecuniary sacrifice. Such are the men, however, who are raised up by Providence to enlarge the boundaries of knowledge.
Audubon is accompanied by his friend Edward Harris, of New Jersey; a gentleman of wealth of travel, and a good naturalist; who was his associate in a former visit to Texas, the Sabine river, and in exploring the Gulf of Mexico. He has engaged Mr. Sprague, of Massachusetts, to aid him in delineating such new plants, reptiles and insects as may be discovered, whilst he will paint the Quadrupeds and Birds. Mr. Bell, of New York, an excellent Pachydermist, is engaged in preparing specimens, and he has, moreover, several other assistants in his employ, to aid him in procuring and preserving such materials in every branch of natural science, as will aid him in investigating the natural history of his native country.
Truth, soul and injustice, are embodied in the following beautiful remarks from the Hartford Courant:
'If humanity presents a noble and sublime spectacle, it is when a pure and lyfty patriot regardless of self and devoted to the good of his country, even in the midst of calumny and reproach, persues the path of duty, and patiently awaits the approval which time must at length bring. The retirement of such a man has greater power than all the seductive patronage with which the weak, the treacherous, and the evil minded, may attempt to purchase a mercenary support.—While crowds impelled by curiosity may throng to gaze idly on the man of the hour—the man of the age! in his far-off Western home, with no other attraction than his mighty genius, and his lofty soul—receives the homage of millions of hearts! His single name has a charm more potent than all the gilded honors with which Monarchs and Presidents may reward their flatterers. Henry Clay! On what far distant mountain—in what deep forest—in what boundless prairie of our broad land, is that name unknown and unhonored! Henry Clay!!
What stain of reproach—what suspicion of falsehood—what taint of treachery, adheres to that glorious name! Opposing parties may for a time retard his upward progress, but where is the opponent who dare assail his honor? While magnanimity, and courage, and truth, are admired among men—while falsehood and selfishness and treachery are despised—the name of Henry Clay will be honored throughout the world. Well may he afford to 'bide his time,' for the day is at hand, when the rallying cries of an injured and betrayed people will be—Justice to HENRY CLAY!'
Anecdote.— Among the passengers in the cars on the Charleston branch railroad, when the train ran off the track and was precipitated into the bed of the river, several weeks ago, was a seafaring man, who was not much hurt, but after rendering what aid he could do to the others, quietly wended his way toward his home. A few days after this event, he was called upon by some persons connected with the government of the railroad company, who inquired if he was much injured, and tendered compensation for the fright and hurts which he had received.
Jack indignantly disclaimed the idea of having been frightened, and added that his hurts were of little consequence, being confined to a few inconsiderable bruises, which put him to no inconvenience. He finally consented to receive some remuneration for his injuries, and on being pressed to name a suitable sum, said that he hardly knew how to get at it exactly. He thought, however, that it might be worth a dollar a foot more or less! and he thought the distance which he was pitched was about fifteen feet. He was accordingly willing to take fifteen dollars, or he would wait until the distance was measured, and abide the result.
The fifteen dollars were handed him without more ado, which the tar quietly pocketed, declaring that it was easily earned.—Boston Journal.
'Little boy.' said a religious old lady to a ragged little urchin in the street, 'were you ever confirmed!' 'No marm,' replied he, 'but I was vaccinated once.'
Plato, speaking of passionate persons, said they are like men who stand on their heads; they see all things the wrong way.
Printers' Accounts.—A thousand such accounts at ten dollars such, amounts to ten thousand dollars, a handsome sum in these times, were it all collected.—The same number at five dollars each amount to five thousand dollars. Should not then every subscriber to a paper—do as he would be done by, and thus fulfil the golden rule—cancel at once his printer's account, be it more or less—that he may not be the one of the thousand, or the five thousand, or even the fifty, who may think that because the debt is small, it is of little consequence to the printer. This is no dun—but the statement of a question in equity, for the solution of none else but those whom it may concern.—The Fraternity.
Mr. Proffit passed through Cincinnati last Saturday, on his way to Washington, where he is to be supplied with credentials and $18,000 pocket-money for outfit and part salary as Minister Plenipotentiary to Brazil. The country could richly afford to pay twice as much to keep him away, or send him any where in an extremely privet capacity. The cost of this operation is of course served up to the debit of Whig extravagance.—Tribune.
What used to be considered "Democratic" by those who claimed to know what genuine Democracy was, from Thomas Jefferson's letter to Mr. Austin, in 1816, on the subject of a Protective Tariff:
"To be, INDEPENDENT for the comforts of life we must fabricate them ourselves.—We must place the manufacturer by the side of the agriculturist. The grand inquiry is, shall we make our own comforts, or go without them at the will of a foreign nation. I am proud to say that I am in favor of domestic manufactures.—Experience has taught me that manufactures are now as necessary to our independence, as to our comfort."
From Gen. Jackson's letter to Mr. Coleman, in 1824, on the subject of protection, written only seventeen days before he voted in the United States Senate, for the high Protective Tariff of that year:
"What is the real situation of the agriculturalist? Where has the American farmer a market for his surplus produce! Except for cotton he has neither a foreign nor a home market. We have been too long subject to the policy of British Merchants. It is time we became more Americanized, and, instead of feeding the paupers and laborers of England, feed our own, or else, in short time, by continuing our present policy, we shall become paupers ourselves."
Votes in favor of the tariff of 1824. Andrew Jackson, M. Van Buren, Richard M. Johnson, and T. H. Benton.
Votes in favor of the high Protective Tariff of 1828, which Mr. Chamberlain and Whitcomb, call the 'bill of abominations,' Van Buren, Silas Wright, Richard M. Johnson, Thomas H. Benton, and M. Dickerson.
Gen. Jackson on Distribution, from his first Message:
"It appears to me that the most safe and just disposition which could be made of the surplus revenue would be its apportionment among the several States.'
Gen. Jackson on the constitutionality of a bank, from his veto Message, 1832:
"That a Bank of the United States, competent to all the duties which may be required of the Government, might be so organized as not to infringe on our own delegated powers, or the reserved rights of the States, I do not entertain a doubt. Had the Executive been called on for such a plan, the duty would have been cheerfully performed. A bank of the United States is, in many respects, convenient to the Government, and useful to the people.'
NOW LOOK ON THIS.
Listen to the views of the modern, patent, new light, exclusive 'Democrats' of this day and generation.
From Mr. Calboun's anti-Tariff speech, in 8142.
'Now we see the whole Democratic party rallied under the banner of Free Trade.'
From the proceedings of the New York Locofoco leaders at Tammany Hall, the head quarters of the Van Buren Democracy in 1842.
'Resolved, that we are in favor of a perfect and entire Free Trade, as the system by which alone the labor of the country can be protected; and while at present we do not oppose a Tariff sufficient to meet the necessary and economical expenditures of the Government, we trust that at no distant day, this will effected by direct instead of indirect taxation.